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ORIGINAL NARRATIVES 
OF EARLY AMERICAN HISTOR/ 



NARRATIVES 
OF EARLY VIRGINIA 



1606 — 1625 



EDITED BY 

LYON GARDINER TYLER, LL.D. 

LATE PRESIDENT OF THE COLLEGE OB' WILLLV.M AND MARY 



New York 
BARNES & NOBLE, INC. 



\^r'\k>i 



Copyright, 1907 

By Charles Scribner's Sons 

All rights assigned to B.\rnes & Noble, Inc.. 1946 

A II righ ts reserved 

Reprinted, 1959 



printed IX the united states of AMERICA 



NOTE 

This volume is intended to include tiie most important and 
interesting narratives of that part of Virginian history which 
extends from the formation to the dissolution of the Virginia 
Company. In the selection, Captain John Smith's True Belation 
and the Description of Virginia and account of the Proceedings of 
the English Oolonie which he and his friends drew up have, on 
well-known historical principles, been preferred to the somewhat 
ampler but less strictly contemporary version of the transactions 
of the same period which he gave in the G-enerall Historie ; but 
the ensuing period was deemed to be in the main best covered 
by reproducing the fourth book of the latter treatise. 

Dr. Reuben G. Thwaites, Secretary of the State Historical 
Society of Wisconsin, and the Burrows Brothers Company of 
Cleveland, the publishers, have kindly permitted use to be made 
in this volume of the translation of Father Biard's Relation which 
appeared in the third volume of The Jesuit Relations, edited by 
Dr. Thwaites. The Massachusetts Historical Society has per- 
mitted the use of the text of the letter of John Pory, printed 
in their Collections. The Virginia Historical Society has allowed 
the editor to reprint from the Virginia Magazine of History '' The 
Discourse of the Old Company." Grateful acknowledgments 
are made for these favors. 

Those texts which have been taken from books printed in the 
seventeenth century have been carefully collated with copies of 
the original editions in the Library of Congress. But the use 
of u and v and i and j has been modernized; many words printed 
in italics in the original have been put into roman type when the 
present practice required it; and while the spelling of the original 
has of course been closely followed, the punctuation of Purchas or 
of Captain John Smith has not been regarded as equally sacred. 
The punctuation has been left as in the original whenever no 



«^"/^ zL 



" IfOTE 



strong reason existed to the contrary; but where the original 
punctuation does not make sense, nor indicate what was without 
doubt the author's meaning, as for instance in the case of the True 
Belahon, of which the author had no chance to examine the proof- 
sheets, appropriate alterations have been introduced. 



J- F. J. 



CONTENTS 



NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA 
Edited by Lyon Gardiner Tyler, LL.D. 

Observations by Master George Percy, 1607 

Introduction 

The Fleet bearing the Emigrants to Virginia leaves Loiuion 

Its Adventures in the West Indies 

Enters Chesapeake Bay . 

Some of the Settlers visit Kecoughtan 

The Ships ascend the River . 

They reach the Place of Settlement on Jamestown Island 

Habits and Customs of the Indians 

Captain NeM^port returns to England 

Sufferings during the Summer 

President Wingfield deposed . 



True Relation, by Captain John Smith, 1608 

Introduction 

Description of the Voyage 

Settlement on Jamestown Island ; Exploration of the River 
Indian Attack; Newport sails for England . 

Sufferings during the Summer 

President Wingfield deposed 

Eiforts to obtain Corn 

Smith explores Chickahominy River .... 

Captured by the Indians ...... 

Is taken to Werowocomoco ...... 

Description of the Pamunkey River .... 

Customs of the Indians 

Smith is sent back to Jamestown ..... 
Arrival of Captain Newport with the First Supply 

The Fort burned 

Newport and Smith visit Werowocomoco 

Trading with the Indians ...... 

Visits to Pamunkey and Nansemond .... 

Captain Newport returns to England .... 

Arrival of Captain Nelson ...... 

Trees felled and Corn planted . . . . » 

vii 



PAOB 
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viii CONTENTS 

rAox 
Punishment of thieving Indians ........ 66 

Pocahontas visits the Fort 69 

Captain Nelson returns to England 71 

Descriptiox of Virginia and Proceedings of the Colonie . . 73 

Introduction 75 

Title and Prefaces of the Description . , 76 

Indian Vocabulary .78 

Climate of Virginia 80 

Chesapeake Bay and Mountains 82 

Rivers 83 

Tribes of Indians 84 

Varieties of Trees 90 

Berries and Roots . 92 

Animals 93 

Birds 94 

Minerals and Vegetable Products 95 

Commodities 97 

Appearance and Manners of the Natives 99 

Their Dwellings 100 

Their Habits and Customs 101 

Their Religion 108 

Their Government 113 

Smith's Explanation of the Troubles at Jamestown .... 117 

Title and Preface of the Proceedings 119 

Beginnings of the Virginia Company 121 

Sailing of the Fleet 122 

Arrival at Jamestown 123 

Names of the First Planters 125 

Experiences of the First Summer ........ 127 

Smith's Trading Voyages . 129 

Captured by the Savages 130 

Arrival of the First Supply 132 

Trading with the Savages 133 

Newport visits Powhatan at Werowocomoco 134 

Burning of Jamestown . 135 

The Gold Craze at Jamestown 136 

Newport returns to England 137 

Arrival of the Phoenix under Captain Nelson 137 

How Smith frightened the Savages 138 

The Phoenix returns to England 139 

Names of those who came in the First Supply 140 

Smith's First Voyage up Chesapeake Bay 141 

Discovers the Potomac River 144 

Wounded by a Stingray ; returns to Jamestown 146 

Hi* Second Voyage up Chesapeake Bay 147 



CONTENTS ix 

PAfiE 

He becomes President , , , , .151 

Arrival and Return of the Second Supply 152 

Smith visits Werowocomoco 153 

The Coronation of Powhatan 155 

Arrival of the First Woman in the Colony 155 

Newport's Explorations ; Smith's Management 156 

Evils wrought by Private Trading 158 

Names of those who came in the Second Supply 159 

Smith's Voyage to York River 161 

Experiences at Werowocomoco ; Discourse with Powhatan . . . 163 

Visits to Opechancanough at Pamunkey 170 

Death of Matthew Scrivener, Peter Waldo, and Anthony Gosnoil . 174 

Difficulties in settling Virginia 177 

Smith's Measures as President in the Spring of 1609 . . . .180 
His Hand-to-hand Fight with the Paspahegh Chief .... 181 

Makes Peace with the Indians 183 

The Rats eat up the Corn 185 

Smith's Eiforts to supply Provisions 186 

Volda's Treachery 188 

Arrival of the Third Supply 191 

Dissensions with the Newcomers 192 

Smith is injured by Gunpowder 195 

Sails for England 196 

Review of his Administration 197 

The Starving Time 200 

Arrival of Sir Thomas Gates . . 201 

Death of Sir George Somers 203 

The Relation of the Lord De-La-Ware, 1611 205 

Introduction 207 

Severe Experiences 210 

Condition of the Colony 211 

Establishment of Three New Forts 212 

Letter of Don Diego de Molina, 1613 215 

Introduction 217 

Urges the Spanish King to destroy the Colony promptly . . . 218 

Dangers which may be expected 219 

Condition of the English Settlements 220 

Chesapeake Bay described 222 

Forts in Virginia 223 

Letter of Father Pierre Biard, 1614 ..... 225 

Introduction --7 

Describes the Enorlish Attack on Mount Desert Island . . . 228 



'e" 



X CONTENTS 

Is carried to Virginia ooq 

Is present at the Destruction of Port Royal next year . . . 231 

Dangers of the Voyage to England ! ! 231 

Letter of John Rolfe, 1614 935 

Introduction 007 

His reasons for marrying Pocahontas 239 

Proceedings of the Virginia Assembly, 1619 245 

Introduction 247 

List of Burgesses ! ! 249 

Captain Martin's Plantation denied Representation . . . .' 251 

Committees appointed * ok^ 

Petitions to the Authorities in England •....'* 257 

The Great Charter ; the Price of Tobacco . . . . ] [059 

Captain Martin's Patent * * q^. 

Laws based on Instructions from England . . , . [ * ogQ 
Laws proposed by Individual Burgesses •..!!.* 968 

Captain Spelman punished * q^ . 

Argall's Town 

Final Proceedings * „-„ 

Letter of John Port, 1619 279 

Introduction pre- 
condition of the Colony 

Generall Historie of Virginia by Captain John Smith, 1624; 

THE Fourth Booke ' '289 

Introduction ^91 

The Starving Time 

Arrival of Sir Thomas Gates; Jamestown abandoned . . .' * 996 
Saved by the Coming of Lord Delaware ••...*.* 297 
His Administration of the Colony •••!.*!' 299 

Returns to England 

Arrival of Sir Thomas Dale •....'.*]** 399 
Institutes a Severe Government ; Gates returns ; Henrico founded ! 304 

Jamestown described o^^^ 

Capture of Pocahontas ... onn 

Her Marriage with John Rolfe 32q 

Peace with the Indians •••..'**' 311 
Private Property First Instituted •...!.'.** 312 
Ralph Hamor's Visit to Powhatan ..!.*!.** 313 
William Parker recovered ••..!!*'* 315 
Remarks of Dale and Whitaker •..!*.'** 316 
The Lottery .' * .* ' 318 



CONTENTS 



XI 



Spanish Spies at Point Comfort 

The Government of Sir George Yeardley 

He reduces the Indians to Peace . 

Pocahontas visits England 

Captain Smith's Letter to Queen Anne 

Death of Pocahontas .... 

The Government of Captain Samuel Argall 

Lord Delaware dies on the Voyage over 

Murder of Killingbeck and of "William Fairfax's F 

The State of the Colony told by Rolfe . 

Death of Powhatan 

Second Government of Sir George Yeardley 
Fertility of the Land in Virginia . 
The First General Assembly ; the First Negroes 
Division of Lands ...... 

Young Maidens sent over; Gifts to the College 

A Desperate Sea-fight 

Great Fortunes from Tobacco 

Mr. Stockden's Warning .... 

Government of Sir Francis Wyatt 

Captain Gookin settles at Newport News 

Large Emigration to Virginia 

Voyage of John Pory to Accomack 

Tenants for the College and School sent over 

The Indian Massacre 

Reflections upon it 

The Number slain at the different Settlements 

Captain Thomas Newce's Industry 

Captain Raleigh Croshaw's Voyage to Potomac 

Smith's Proposals 

Answer of the Company ; its Dissensions 

Escape of Edward Waters .... 

Adventures of Captain Madison 

Captain Thomas Newce at Elizabeth City . 

Madison attacks the King of the Potoniacs . 

Sir George Yeardley attacks the Nansemonds 

Smith's Suggestions 

Arrival of Captain Butler 

Adventure of John Argent 

Death of Captain Spelman 



Outfit for a Virginia Planter 



amily 



Smith's Review of his Administration 

Questions of the Commissioners and Answers by Smith 

Dissolution of the Virginia Company . , . . 



PAex 

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Xll 



CONTENTS 



The Virginia Planters' Answer to Captain Butler, 1623 

Introduction 

Defence as to Climate and Natural Qualities . . * 
Defence as to Prosperity and Improvements 

The Tragical Relation of the Virginia Assembly, 1624 

Introduction 

Martial Law complained of 

Insufficient Supplies 

Terrible Mortality 

Sir Thomas Smith's Government a Failure 

The Discourse of the Old Company, 1625 
Introduction 

Results of the First Twelve Years . ] [ 

Results of the Government of Sandys and Southampt 
Difficulties encountered in the Latter Time 
Captain Butler's Attack 

• • • • 

Unhappy Results of the Revocation of the Charter 
Troubles experienced from Factious Enemies 

The Tobacco Contracts 

History of the Revocation of the Charter 
Insufficiency of the Succeeding Management 



on 



409 

411 
412 
414 

419 
421 
422 
428 
424 
425 



. 427 

. 429 
. 432 
. 434 
. 436 
. 438 
. 440 
. 445 
. 446 
. 450 
. 455 



NARRATIVES OF 
EARLY VIRGINIA 



OBSERVATIONS BY MASTER 
GEORGE PERCY, 1607 



INTRODUCTION 

George Percy was the eighth son of Henry, eighth earl 
of Northumberland, by his wife Catherine, eldest daughter of 
John Neville, Lord Latimer. He was born September 4, 1580 ; 
served for a time as a soldier in the Netherlands; sailed for 
Virginia in the first expedition, December 20, 1606, and was 
president during the terrible time from September, 1609, to 
the arrival of Gates in May, 1610. When Lord Delaware left 
Jamestown in March, 1611, Percy was again placed at the head 
of the colony until the arrival of Dale in May following. He 
left Virginia April 22, 1612, and reached England in the fol- 
lowing summer. He never returned to Virginia, but about 
1625, when war was declared with Spain, he went again 
to the Netherlands, where as captain of a company he dis- 
tinguished himself, and lost a finger in battle. He died un- 
married in 1632. The fact that he was three times trusted 
with the supreme command in Virginia attests the good opinion 
entertained of his character, courage, and abihties. 

The Observations, etc., gives in minute detail the incidents of 
the first voyage to Virginia, and is the straightforward account 
of an eye-witness and prominent actor. The original manu- 
script is not preserved, and what has come down to us is only 
an abridgment published for the first time in 1625 by Samuel 
Purchas, who assigns as a reason for the omissions he made in 
it that ''the rest is more fully set downe in Cap. Smiths Rela- 
tions.^' The narrative is to be found in Purchas his Pilgrinies, 
IV. 1685-1690, of the original edition. It presents the fullest 
account we have of the voyage and of the first events of the 
settlement, to Newport's departure, June 22, 1607. Of the 

3 



4 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA 

other accounts of the earliest months of the colony, Wingfield's 
Discourse of Virginia, printed in the fourth volume of the 
Archaeologia Americana and separately (Worcester, 1860), 
begins at that point ; but it is too largely a partisan account of 
the author's quarrels with his fellow-members of the council 
to have the same sort of value as Percy's story. There is also 
the Relatyon called Newport's, though perhaps written by 
Archer, Hkewise printed in the Archaeologia, Vol. IV. ; but this 
is almost confined to the exploration of James River, May 21- 
27. Captain John Smith's True Relation, the most important 
narrative of the early days, which begins to be expUcit about 
where what we have of Percy leaves off, is printed next after 
it in this volume. Purchas's text was reprinted by Edward 
Arber in his edition of Smith's Works (Birmingham, 1884), 
to which Wingfield and Archer are also prefixed. It has also,' 
of course, been reprinted in the edition of Purchas which has 
now (July, 1907) just finished passing through the press. 

JL. G. T. 



OBSERVATIONS BY MASTER 
GEORGE PERCY, 1607 

Observations gathered out of a Discourse of the Plantation 
of the Southerne Colonie in Virginia by the English, 1606. 
Written by that Honorable Gentleman, Master George Percy. 

On Saturda}^ the twentieth of December in the yeere 1606. 
the fleet fell from London/ and the fift of January we anchored 
in the Downes: but the winds continued contrarie so long, 
that we were forced to stav there some time, w^here wee suf- 
fered great stormes, but by the skilfulnesse of the Captaine 
wee suffered no great losse or danger. 

The twelfth day of February at night we saw a blazing 
Starre, and presently a storme. 

The three and twentieth day ^ we fell with the Hand of 
Mattanenio,^ in the West Indies. The foure and tw^entieth 
day we anchored at Dominico/ within fourteene degrees of 
the Line, a very faire Hand, the Trees full of sweet and good 
smels; inhabited by many Savage Indians. They were at 
first very scrupulous to come aboord us. Wee learned of them 
aftei'wards that the Spaniards had given them a great over- 

' The fleet sailed down the Thames from London. The Downs is a cele- 
brated roadstead for ships, extending six miles along the seacoast of Kent 
in England, protected on the sea side by the Goodwin Sands. 

^ Of March. ^ Martinique. 

^ Dominica. Purchas says at this point in the margin, "Captaine Smith 
was suspected for a supposed Mutinie, though never no such matter." 
Smith says in his Generall Historie, folio 43, that ''all this time from their 
departure from the Canaries" to June 10, he ''was restrained as a prisoner 
upon the scandalous suggestions of some of the chiefe, who fained he in- 
tended to usurp the government, murther the Councell, and make himselfe 
King." 

5 



6 XAKRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1607 

throw on this He, but when they knew what we were, there 
came many to our ships with their Canoas, bringing us many 
kindes of sundry fruites, as Pines, Potatoes, Plantons, Tobacco, 
and other fruits, and Roane Cloth abundance, which they 
had gotten out of certaine Spanish ships that were cast away 
upon that Hand. We gave them Knives, Hatchets for ex- 
change, which they esteeme much. Wee also gave them Beades, 
Copper Jewels which they hang through their nosthrils, eares, 
and hps, very strange to behold. Their bodies are all painted 
red to keepe away the biting of Muscetos. They goe all naked 
without covering. The haire of their head is a yard long, all 
of a length, pleated in three plats hanging downe to their 
wastes. They suffer no haire to grow on their faces. They 
cut ' their skinnes in divers workes. They are continually 
in warres, and will eate their enemies when they kill them, 
or any stranger if they take them. They will lap up mans 
spittle, whilst one spits in their mouthes, in a barbarous fashion 
like Dogges. These people and the rest of the Hands in the 
West Indies, and Brasill, are called by the names of Canibals," 
that will eate mans flesh. These people doe poyson their Arrow 
heads, which are made of a fishes bone. They worship the 
Devill for their God, and have no other behefe. 

Whilest we remayned at this Hand we saw a Whale chased 
by a Thresher and a Sword-fish. They fought for the space 
of two houres. W^e might see the Thresher with his flayle 
lay on the monstrous blowes which was strange to behold. 
In the end these two fishes brought the Whale to her end. 

The sixe and twentieth day we had sight of Marigalanta,^ 
and the next day, wee sailed with a slacke saile alongst the He 
of Guadalupa, where we went ashore, and found a Bath which 
was so hot, that no man was able to stand long by it. Our 
Adniirall, Captaine Newport, caused a piece of Porke to be 
put in it ; which boyled it so in the space of halfe an houre, 

* Tattoo. 

' See The Northmen, Columbus and Cabot, in this series, p. 289, note 2. 

• Marie Galante, a French possession. 



1607] OBSERVATIONS BY GEORGE PERCY T 

as no fire could mend it. Then we went aboord and sailed 
by many Hands, as Mounserot ^ and an Hand called Saint 
Christopher, both uninhabited. About two o'clocke in the 
afternoone wee anchored at the He of Mevis.^ There the 
Captaine landed all his men being well fitted with Muskets 
and other convenient Armes ; marched a mile into the Woods ; 
being commanded to stand upon their guard, fearing the 
treacherie of the Indians, which is an ordinaiy use amongst 
them and all other Savages on this He. We came to a Bath 
standing in a Valley betwixt two Hils, where wee bathed our 
selves ; and found it to be of the nature of the Bathes in Eng- 
land, some places hot and some colder : and men may refresh 
themselves as they please. Finding this place to be so con- 
venient for our men to avoid diseases which will breed in so long 
a Voyage, wee incamped our selves on this He sixe dayes, and 
spent none of our ships victuall, by reason our men some w^ent a 
hunting, some a fouling, and some a fishing, where we got great 
store of Conies, sundry kinds of fowles, and great plentie of 
fish. We kept Centinels and Courts de gard ^ at every Cap- 
taines quarter, fearing wee should be assaulted by the Indians, 
that were on the other side of the Hand. Wee saw none, 
nor were molested by any ; but some few we saw as we were a 
hunting on the Hand. They would not come to us by any 
meanes, but ranne swiftly through the Woods to the Mountaine 
tops; so we lost the sight of them; whereupon we made all 
the haste wee could to our quarter, thinking there had beene a 
great ambush of Indians there abouts. We past into the thick- 
est of the Woods, where we had almost lost our selves. We 
had not gone above halfe a mile amongst the thicke, but we 
came into a most pleasant Garden, being a hundred paces 
square on every side, having many Cotton-trees growing in 
it with abundance of Cotton-wooll, and many Guiacum trees. 
Wee saw the goodUest tall trees growing so thicke about the 
Garden, as though they had beene set by Art, which made us 
marvell very much to see it. 

* Montserrat. * Nevis. ^ Watches. 



8 NARKATIVES OF EAKLY ViKGINIA [1607 

The third day ^ wee set saile from Me vis. The fourth day 
we sailed along by Castutia ^ and by Saba. This day we 
anchored at the He of Virgines ^ in an excellent Bay able to 
harbour a hundred Ships. If this Bay stood in England, it 
would be a great profit and commoditie to the Land. On 
this Hand wee caught great store of Fresh-fish, and abundance 
of Sea Tortoises, which served all our Fleet three dales, which 
were in number eight score persons. We also killed great 
store of wild Fowle. Wee cut the Barkes of certaine Trees 
which tasted much like Cinnamon, and very hot in the mouth. 
This Hand in some places hath very good ground, straight and 
tall Timber. But the greatest discommoditie that wee have 
scene on this Hand is that it hath no Fresh-water, which makes 
the place void of any Inhabitants. 

Upon the sixt day, we set saile and passed by Becam ^ and 
by Saint John de porto rico.^ The seventh day we arrived 
at Mona: where wee watered, which we stood in great need 
of, seeing that our water did smell so vildly that none of our 
men was able to indure it. Whilst some of the Saylers were 
a fining the Caskes with water, the Captaine and the rest of 
the Gentlemen, and other Soldiers, marched up in the He 
sixe myles, thinking to find some other provision to maintaine 
our victualhng. As we marched we killed two wild Bores, 
and saw a huge wild Bull, his homes was an ell betweene the 
two tops. We also killed Guanas ^ in fashion of a Serpent, 
and speckled hke a Toade under the belly. These wayes that 
wee went, being so troublesome and vilde, going upon the 
sharpe Rockes, that many of our men fainted in the 
march, but by good fortune wee lost none but one 
Edward Brookes Gentleman, whose fat melted within him 
by the great heate and drought of the Countrey. We were 
not able to reheve him nor our selves, so he died in that great 
extreamitie. 

' Of April. 

' St. Eustatius, a Dutch island, of which Saba is a dependency. 

' Virgin Islands. * Vieques, now belonging to the United States. 

* Porto Rico. « Iguanas, a kind of lizard. 



1607] OBSERVATIONS BY GEORGE PERCY 9 

The ninth day, in the afternoone, we went off with our Boat 
to the He of Moneta/ some three leagues from Mona, where 
we had a terrible landing, and a troublesome getting up to the 
top of the Mountaine or He, being a high firme Rocke, ste[e]p, 
with many terrible sharpe stones. After wee got to the top 
of the He, we found it to bee a fertill and a plaine ground, full 
of goodly grasse, and abundance of Fowles of all kindes. They 
flew over our heads as thicke as drops of Hale; besides they 
made such a noise, that wee were not able to heare one another 
speake. Furthermore, wee were not able to set our feet on 
the ground, but either on Fowles or Egges which lay so thicke 
in the grasse. Wee laded two Boats full in the space of three 
houres, to our great refreshing. 

The tenth day we set saile, and disimboged ^ out of the 
West Indies, and bare oure course Northerly. The fourteenth 
day we passed the Tropicke of Cancer. The one and twentieth 
day, about five a clocke at night there began a vehement 
tempest, which lasted all the night, with wdnds, raine, and 
thunders, in a terrible manner. Wee were forced to lie at 
Hull ^ that night, because we thought wee had beene neerer 
land then wee were. The next morning, being the two and 
twentieth day, wee sounded; and the three and twentieth, 
and foure and twenteth day; but we could find no ground. 
The five and twentieth day, we sounded, and had no ground 
at an hundred fathom.'^ The six and twentieth day of Aprill, 
about foure a clocke in the morning, wee descried the Land 
of Virginia. The same day wee entred into the Bay of Chesu- 
pioc^ directly, without an}^ let or hinderance. There wee 
landed and discovered ^ a little way, but wee could find 
nothing worth the speaking of, but faire meddowes and 

* Monica. 

^ By this expression the fleet isHkened to a stream of water which "pours 
out" into the ocean. ' To He to, with sails furled. 

* The margin says, *''We were driven to try" [i.e., to lie to] "that night : 
and by the storme were forced neere the shoare, not knowing where we 
i^^ere." ^ Chesapeake Bay. 

■ Throughout this volume, it is important to bear in mind that in the 
texts here printed "discovered" almo.st alwaysmeans "explored.'' 



10 NARKATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1607 

goodly tall Trees, with such Fresh-waters running through 
the woods, as I was almost ravished at the first sight thereof. 

At night, when wee were going aboard, there came the 
Savages creeping upon all foure, from the Hills, like Beares, 
with their Bowes in their mouthes, charged us very desperately 
in the faces, hurt Captaine Gabrill Archer in both his hands, 
and a sayler in two places of the body very dangerous. 
After they had spent their Arrowes, and felt the sharpnesse of 
our shot, they retired into the Woods with a great noise, and 
so left us. 

The seven and twentieth day we began to build up our 
Shallop. The Gentlemen and Souldiers marched eight miles 
up into the land. We could not see a Savage in all that march. 
We came to a place where they had made a great fire, and had 
beene newly a rosting Oysters. When they perceived our 
comming, they fled away to the mountaines, and left many of 
the Oysters in the fire. We eat some of the Oysters, which 
were very large and deUcate in taste. 

The eighteenth ^ day we lanched our Shallop. The Cap- 
taine and some Gentlemen went in her, and discovered up 
the Bay. We found a River ^ on the Southside running into 
the Maine ; we entered it and found it very shoald water, not 
for any Boats to swim. Wee went further into the Ba}^, and 
saw a plaine plot of ground where we went on Land, and 
found the place five mile in compasse, without either Bush or 
Tree. We saw nothing there but a Cannow, which was made 
out of the whole tree, which was five and fortie foot long by 
the Rule. Upon this plot of ground we got good store of 
Mussels and Oysters, which lay on the ground as thicke as 
stones. Wee opened some, and found in many of them 
Pearles. Wee marched some three or foure miles fm'ther into 
the woods, where we saw great smoakes of fire. Wee marched 
to those smoakes and found that the Savages had beene there 
burning downe the grasse, as wee thought either to make their 

* Rather the twenty-eighth, of April. 

' Lynnhaven River in Princess Anne County. 



16()7] OBSERVATIONS BY GEORGE PERCY 11 

plantation there, or else to give signes to bring their forces 
together, and so to give us battell. We past through excellent 
ground full of Flowers of divers kinds and colours, and as goodly 
trees as I have seene, as Cedar, Cipresse, and other kindes. 
Going a little further we came into a little plat of ground full of 
fine and beautifull Strawberries, foure times bigger and better 
then ours in England. All this march we could neither see 
Savage nor Towne. When it grew to be towards night, we 
stood backe to our Ships, we sounded and found it shallow 
water for a great way, which put us out of all hopes for getting 
any higher with our Ships, which road at the mouth of the 
River. Wee rowed over to a point of Land, where wee found 
a channell, and sounded six, eight, ten, or twelve fathom: 
which put us in good comfort. Therefore wee named that 
point of Land, Cape Comfort.^ 

The nine and twentieth day we set up a Crosse at Chesu- 
pioc Bay, and named that place Cape Henry. Thirtieth day, 
we came with our ships to Cape Comfort ; where we saw five 
Savages running on the shoare. Presently the Captaine 
caused the shallop to be manned ; so rowing to the shoare, the 
Captaine called to them in signe of friendship, but they were 
at first very timersome, until they saw the Captain lay his 
hand on his heart ; upon that they laid downe their Bowes and 
Arrowes, and came veiy boldly to us, making signes to come 
a shoare to their Towne, which is called by the Savages Ke- 
coughtan.- Wee coasted to their Towne, rowing over a 
River running into the Maine, where these Savages swam 
over with their Bowes and Arrowes in their mo ut lies. 

When we came over to the other side, there was a many 
of other Savages which directed us to their Towne, where we 

* In 1608 a fort called " Algernourne " was established here by Captain 
George Percy, and it is now the site of Fort Monroe, built in 1819 by the 
federal government. 

' The town was located at the mouth of Hampton River on the east side, 
and was three miles from Point Comfort. The Soldiers' Home occupies 
very nearly the ancient site. In the Indian language the word meant 
"great town." At the time of the arrival of the settlers it was commanded 
by Pochins, a son of Powhatan 



12 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1607 

were entertained by thorn very kindly. AMien we came first 
a Land the}^ made a dolefull noise, laying their faces to the 
ground, scratching the earth with their nailes. We did thinke 
they had beene at their Idolatry. When they had ended their 
Ceremonies, they w^ent into their houses and brought out mats 
and laid upon the ground : the chief est of them sate all in a 
rank ; the meanest sort brought us such dainties as they had, 
and of their bread which the}'' make of their Maiz or Gennea 
wheat/ They would not suffer us to eat unlesse we sate down, 
which we did on a Mat right against them. After we were 
well satisfied they gave us of their Tabacco, which they tooke 
in a pipe made artifically of earth as ours are, but far bigger, 
with the bowle fashioned together with a piece of fine copper. 
After they had feasted us, they shewed us, in welcome, their 
manner of dancing, wliich was in this fashion. One of the 
Savages standing in the midst singing, beating one hand 
against another, all the rest dancing about him, shouting, 
howHng, and stamping against the ground, with many Anticke 
tricks and faces, making noise like so many Wolves or Devils. 
One thing of them I observed ; when they were in their dance 
they kept stroke with their feet just one with another, but 
with their hands, heads, faces and bodies, every one of them 
had a severall gesture: so they continued for the space of 
halfe an houre. When they had ended their dance, the Cap- 
taine gave them Beades and other trifling Jewells. They hang 
through their eares, Fowles legs; they shave the right side 
of their heads with a shell, the left side they weare of an ell 
long tied up with an artificiall knot, with a man}^ of Foules 
feathers sticking in it. They goe altogether naked, but their 
privities are covered with Beasts skinnes beset commonly 
with little bones, or beasts teeth. Some paint their bodies 
blacke, some red, with artificiall knots of sundry Uvely colours, 
very beautiful and pleasing to the eye, in a braver fashion 
then they in the West Indies. 

* Maize was the West Indian name for Indian corn. Gennea (Guinea) 
wheat was a tall grass grown in Africa and familiar to us as broom corn. 



1607J OBSERVATlOJsS BY GEORGE PERCY 13 

The fourth day of May we came to the King or Werowance 
of Paspihe : ^ where they entertained us with much welcome. 
An old Savage made a long Oration, making a foule noise, 
uttering his speech with a vehement action, but we knew 
little what the}^ meant. Whilst we were in company with the 
Paspihes, the Werowance of Rapahanna ^ came from the other 
side of the River in his Cannoa. lie seemed to take displeasure 
of our being with the Paspihes. He would faine have had us 
come to his Towne. The Captaine was unwilUng. Seeing that 
the day was so far spent, he returned backe to his ships for that 
night. 

The next day, being the fift of May, the Werowance of 
Rapahanna sent a Messenger to have us come to him. We 
entertained the said Messenger, and gave him trifles which 
pleased him. Wee manned our shallop with Muskets and 
Targatiers sufficiently: this said Messenger guided us where 
our determination was to goe. AVhen wee landed, the Wero- 
wance of Rapahanna came downe to the water side with all 
his traine, as goodly men as any I have seene of Savages or 
Christians: the Werowance comming before them playing on 
a Flute made of a Reed, with a Crown of Deares haire colloured 
red, in fashion of a Rose fastened about his knot of haire, and 
a great Plate of Copper on the other side of his head, with two 
long Feathers in fashion of a paire of Homes placed in the midst 
of his Crowne. His body was painted all with Crimson, with 
a Chaine of Beads about his necke, his face painted blew, be- 

^ The territory of the Paspihes (Paspaheghs, or Pasbyhaes) stretched 
along the north side of James River from about Warwick River, where the 
territory of the Kecoughtans ended, to Sturgeon Point. Their chief town, 
"Old Paspaheghs,'' had been located until a short time before the arrival 
of the English on the north shore, almost a mile from Jamestown Island ; 
but, at the time of the narrative, their chief town was at Sandy Point, a much 
more fertile region, about ten miles above Jamesto^vn, on the north side 
of the river. 

^ The country on the south side of the James opposite to Paspahegh 
belonged to the Quiyoughcohanock Indians, whose chief town was at Clare- 
mont. The Rapahanna chief was a stranger, who came to the James from 
the Rappahannock River in order to assist in resisting the landing of the 
explorers. 



14 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1607 

sprinkled with silver Ore as wee thought, his eares all behung 
with Braslets of Pearle, and in either eare a Birds Claw through 
it beset with fine Copper or Gold. Pie entertained us in so 
modest a proud fashion, as though he had beene a Prince of 
civill government, holding his countenance without laughter 
or any such ill behaviour. He caused his Mat to be spred on 
the ground, where hee sate downe with a great Majestic, 
taking a pipe of Tabacco : the rest of his company standing 
about him. After he had rested a while he rose, and made 
signes to us to come to his Towne. Hee went foremost, and 
all the rest of his people and our selves followed him up a 
steepe Hill where his Palace was settled. Wee passed through 
the Woods in fine paths, having most pleasant Springs which 
issued from the Mountaines. Wee also went through the 
goodhest Corne fieldes that ever was scene in any Countrey. 
AVhen wee came to Rapahannos Towne, hee entertained us 
in good humanitie. 

The eight day of May we discovered up the River. We 
landed in the Countrey of Apamatica.^ At our landing, there 
came many stout and able Savages to resist us with their 
Bowes and Arrowes, in a most warlike manner, with the 
swords at their backes beset with sharpe stones, and pieces 
of yron able to cleave a man in sunder. Amongst the rest 
one of the chiefest, standing before them cross-legged, with 
his Arrow readie in his Bow in one hand, and taking a Pipe 
of Tobacco in the other, with a bold uttering of his speech, 
demanded of us our being there, willing us to bee gone. Wee 
made signes of peace, which they perceived in the end, and let 
us land in quietnesse. 

The twelfth day we went backe to our ships, and discovered 
a point of Land, called Archers Hope,^ which was sufficient 

^ The " country of Apamatica*' was the region of the Appomattox River. 
Thirty miles up the river is Petersburg; at its mouth is City Point, first 
called Charles City. 

2 This point is made by a creek, at the head of which five miles inland 
is situated the city of Williamsburg, made the capital of Virginia in 1699 
after the burning of the State House at Jamestown. 



1607] OBSERVATION'S BY GEORGE PERCY 15 

with a little labour to defend our selves against any Enemy. 
The soile was good and fruitfully with excellent good Timber. 
There are also great store of Vines in bignesse of a mans thigh, 
running up to the tops of the Trees in great abundance. We 
also did see many Squirels, Conies, Black Birds with crimson 
wings, and divers other Fowles and Birds of divers and sundrie 
collours of crimson, Watchet, Yellow, Greene, Murry,^ and 
of divers other hewes naturally without any art using. 

We found store of Turkic nests and many Egges. If it 
had not beene dishked, because the ship could not ride neere the 
shoare, we had setled there to all the Collonies contentment. 

The thirteenth day, we came to our seating place in Paspihas 
Countrey, some eight miles ^ from the point of Land, which I 
made mention before : where our shippes doe lie so neere the 
shoare that they are moored to the Trees in six fathom water. 

The fourteenth day, we landed all our men, which were set 
to worke about the fortification, and others some to watch and 
ward as it was convenient. The first night of our landing, 
about midnight, there came some Savages sayUng close to our 
quarter. Presently there was an alarum given; upon that 
the Savages ran away, and we [were] not troubled any more 
by them that night. Not long after there came two Savages 
that seemed to be Commanders, bravely drest, with Crownes of 
coloured haire upon their heads, which came as Messengers from 
the Werowance ^ of Paspihas, teUing us that their Werowance 
was comming and would be merry with us with a fat Deare. 

The eighteenth day, the Werowance of Paspihse came 
himselfe to our quarter, with one hundred Savages armed, 
which garded him in a very warlike manner with Bowts and 
Arrowes, thinking at that time to execute their villany. Pas- 



* Watchet is pale blue ; murry is dark red. 

' The settlement was placed about five miles above the mouth of Archer's 
Hope Creek at the west end of the island, where the channel of the river 
comes close to the shore. The margin gives the name, ''Their plantation 
at James Towne." The early narrators also call the settlement James Fort. 

^ The word " werowance " among the Virginia Indians was equivalent 
to the word "sachem" in New England. 



16 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [160" 

pihae made great signes to us to lay our Amies away. But 
we would not trust him so far. He seeing he could not have 
convenient time to worke his Avill, at length made signes that 
he would give us as much land as we would desire to take. 
As the Savages w^ere in a throng in the Fort, one of them stole 
a Hatchet from one of our company/ which spied him doing 
the deed : whereupon he tooke it from him by force, and also 
strooke him over the arme. Presently another Savage seeing 
that, came fiercely at our man with a wooden sword, thinking 
to beat out his braines. The Werow^ance of Paspiha saw us 
take to our Armes, went suddenly away wdth all his company 
in great anger. 

The nineteenth day, my selfe and three or foure more walk- 
ing into the Woods by chance w^ee espied a pathway like to an 
Irish pace : ^ wee were desirous to knowe whither it would 
bring us. Wee traced along some foure miles, all the way as 
wee went, having the pleasantest Suckles, the ground all 
flowing over with faire flowers of sundry colours and kindes, as 
though it had been in any Garden or Orchard in England. 
There be many Strawberries, and other fruits unknowne. 
Wee saw the Woods full of Cedar and Cypresse trees, with 
other trees, which issues out sweet Gummes like to Balsam 
Wee kept on our way in this Paradise. At length, wee came 
to a Savage Towne, where w^ee found but few people. They 
told us the rest w^re gone a hunting wdth the Werowance of 
Paspiha . We stayed there a while, and had of them Strawberries 
and other things. In the meane time one of the Savages came 
running out of his house wdth a Bowe and Arrowes and ranne 
mainly through the AVoods. Then I beganne to mistrust some 
villanie, that he w^ent to call some companie, and so betray 
us. Wee made all haste away w^ee could. One of the Savages 
brought us on the way to the Wood side, where there was a 
Garden of Tobacco and other fruits and herbes. He gathered 
Tobacco, and distributed to every one of us ; so wee departed. 

* "These Savages," says the margin, ''are naturally great theeves.** 
' Pass, or passage. 



1607] OBSERVATIONS BY GEORGE PERCY 17 

The twentieth day the Werowance of Paspiha sent fortie of 
his men with a Deere, to our quarter : but they came more 
in villanie than any love they bare us. They faine would have 
layne in our Fort all night, but wee would not suffer them 
for feare of their treachery. One of our Gentlemen having a 
Target which hee trusted in, thinking it would beare out a 
slight shot, hee set it up against a tree, willing one of the Sav- 
ages to shoot ; who tooke from his backe an Arrow of an elle 
long, drew it strongly in his Bowe, shoots the Target a foote 
thorow, or better: which was strange, being that a Pistoll 
could not pierce it. Wee seeing the force of his Bowe, after- 
wards set him up a Steele Target ; he shot again, and burst his 
arrow all to pieces. He presently pulled out another Arrow, 
and bit it in his teeth, and seemed to bee in a great rage ; so 
hee went away in great anger. Their Bow^s are made of tough 
Hasell, their strings of Leather, their Arrowes of Canes or 
Hasell, headed with very sharpe stones, and are made arti- 
ficially like a broad Arrow: other some of their Arrowes are 
headed with the ends of Deeres homes, and are feathered 
very artificially. Pasphia was as good as his word; for hee 
sent Venison, but the Sawse came within a few dayes after. 

At Port Cotage ^ in our Voyage up the River, we saw a 
Savage Boy about the age of ten yeeres, which had a head of 
haire of a perfect yellow and a reasonable white skinne,^ 
which is a Miracle amongst all Savages. 

This River which wee have discovered is one of the famous- 
est Rivers that ever was found by any Christian. It ebbs 
and flowes a hundred and threescore miles, where ships of great 
burthen may harbour in safetie. Wlieresoever we landed upon 
this River, wee saw the goodliest Woods as Beech, Oke, Cedar, 

^ The writer of A Relatyon of the Discovery of our River says (Arber, xlii) 
that he gave the name of ''Poor Cottage" to a place on the James River 
about twenty miles below the falls. 

^ Possibly a descendant of one of the lost colony of Roanoke. On the 
theory, not generally agreed to, that that colony was not wholly destroyed, 
and that descendants of some of its members are still to be found in North 
Carolina, see Weeks, *'The Lost Colony of Roanoke : Its Fate and Survival," 
in Papers of the American Historical Association, V. 441-480. 



18 NARRATIVES OF EARTHY VIRGINIA [1607 

Cypresse, Wal=nuts, Sassafras, and Vines in great abundance, 
which hang in great clusters on many Trees, and other Trees 
unknowne; and all the grounds bespred with many sweet 
and delicate flowres of divers colours and kindes. There are 
also many fruites as Strawberries, Mulberries, Rasberries, 
and Fruites unknowne. There are many branches of this 
River, which runne flowing through the Woods with great 
plentie of fish of all kindes; as for Sturgeon, all the World 
cannot be compared to it. In this Countrey I have scene 
many great and large Medowes having excellent good pasture 
for any Cattle. There is also great store of Deere both Red 
and Fallow. There are Beares, Foxes, Otters, Bevers, Muskats, 
and wild beasts unknowne. 

The foure and twentieth day wee set up a Crosse at the 
head of this River, naming it Kings River, where we proclaimed 
James King of England to have the most right unto it. ^\^len 
wee had finished and set up our Crosse, we shipt our men and 
made for James Fort. By the way, wee came to Pohatans 
Towre, where the Captaine went on shore suffering none to 
goe with him. Hee presented the Commander of this place, 
with a Hatchet which hee tooke joyfully, and was well 
pleased. 

But yet the Savages murmured at our planting in the Coun- 
trie, whereupon this Werowance made answere againe very 
wisely of a Savage, Why should you bee offended with them 
as long as they hurt you not, nor take any thing away by force. 
They take but a litle waste ground, which doth you nor any 
of us any good. 

I saw Bread made by their women, which doe all their 
drugerie. The men takes their pleasure in hunting and their 
warres, which they are in continually, one Kingdome against 
another. The manner of baking of bread is thus. After 
they pound their wheat into flowre, with hote water they 
make it into paste, and worke it into round balls and Cakes, 
then they put it into a pot of seething water : when it is sod 
throughly, they lay it on a smooth stone, there they harden 
it as well as in an Oven. 



1607] OBSERVATIONS BY GEORGE PERCY JJ 

There is notice to be taken to know married women from 
Maids, The Maids you shall alwayes see the fore part of their 
head and sides shaven close, the hinder part very long, which 
the}^ tie in a pleate hanging downe to their hips. The married 
women weares their haire all of a length, and is tied of that 
fashion that the Maids are. The women kinde in this Coun- 
trey doth pounce and race their bodies, legges, thighes, armes 
and faces with a sharpe Iron, which makes a stampe in curious 
knots, and drawes the proportion of Fowles, Fish, or Beasts; 
then with paintings of sundry lively colours, they rub it into 
the stampe which will never be taken away, because it is dried 
into the flesh where it is sered. 

The Savages beare their yeeres well, for when wee were at 
Pamonkies, wee saw a Savage by their report was above eight 
score yeeres of age. His eyes were sunke into his head, having 
never a tooth in his mouth, his haire all gray with a reasonable 
bigge beard, which was as white as any snow. It is a Miracle 
to see a Savage have any haire on their faces. I never saw, 
read, nor heard, any have the like before. This Savage was 
as lusty and went as fast as any of us, which was strange to 
behold. 

The fifteenth of June we had built and finished our Fort, 
which was triangle wise, having three Bulwarkes, at every 
corner, like a halfe Moone, and foure or five pieces of Artillerie 
mounted in them. We had made our selves sufficiently 
strong for these Savages. We had also sowne most of our 
Corne on two Mountaines.^ It sprang a mans height from 
the ground. This Countrey is a fruitfuU soile, bearing many 
goodly and fruitfull Trees, as Mulberries, Cherries, Wal- 
nuts, Cedars, Cypresse, Sassafras, and Vines in great abun- 
dance. 

Munday the two and tw^entieth of June, in the morning, 
Captaine Newport in the Admirall departed from James Port 
for England. 

^ The highest part of Jamestown peninsula is not over t^n feet above the 
level of the sea; so that "the two mountaines" were only slight elevations 
of the soil. 



20 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [160. 

Captaine Newport being gone for England, leaving us 
(one hundred and foure persons) verie bare and scantie of 
victualls, furthermore in warres and in danger of the Savages, 
we hoped after a supply which Captaine Newport promised 
within twentie weekes. But if the beginners of this action 
doe carefully further us, the Country being so fruitfull, it 
would be as great a profit to the Realme of England, as the 
Indies to the King of Spaine. If this River which wee have 
foimd had been discovered in the time of warre with Spaine, 
it would have beene a commoditie to our Realme, and a great 
annoyance to our enemies. 

The seven and twentieth of July the King of Rapahanna 
demanded a Canoa, which was restored, lifted up his hand to 
the Sunne (which they worship as their God), besides he laid 
his hand on his heart, that he would be our speciall friend. 
It is a generall rule of these people, when they swere by their 
God which is the Sunne, no Christian will keep their Oath 
better upon this promise. These people have a great reverence 
to the Smme above all other things : at the rising and setting 
of the same, they sit downe lifting up their hands and eyes to 
the Sunne, making a round Circle on the ground with dried 
Tobacco; then they began to pray, making many Devillish 
gestures with a Hellish noise, foming at the mouth, staring 
with their eyes, wagging their heads and hands in such a fashion 
and deformitie as it w^as monstrous to behold. 

The sixt of August there died John Asbie of the bloudie 
Flixe.^ The ninth day died George Flowre of the swelling. 
The tenth day died William Bruster Gentleman, of a wound 
given by the Savages, and was buried the eleventh day. 

The fourteenth day, Jerome Alikock, Ancient, died of a 
wound, the same day, Francis Midwinter, Edward Moris Cor- 
porall died suddenly. 

* Bloody flux or dysentery. Most of these names appear in the list of the 
first planters, printed in the first chapter of The Proceedings of the English Col- 
onie, post, or in the fuller list which Smith gives on folios 43, 44, of his Generall 
Historic. These, however, read Jeremy Alicock, Edward Morish, Thomas Gon^, 
Dru Pickhouse, Kellam Throgmorton, William Rodes and Thomas Studley. 



1607] OBSEKVATIONS BY GEOKGE PERCY 21 

The fifteenth day, their died Edward Browne and Stephen 
Galthorpe. The sixteenth day, their died Thomas Gower 
Gentleman. The seventeenth day, their died Thomas Momislic. 
The eighteenth day, there died Robert Pennington, and John 
Martine Gentleman. The nineteenth day, died Drue Piggase 
Gentleman. The two and twentieth day of August, there died 
Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold,^ one of our Councell: he 
was honourably buried, having all the Ordnance in the Fort 
shot off, with many vollies of small shot. 

After Captaine Gosnols death, the Councell could hardly 
agree by the dissention of Captaine Kendall, which afterwards 
was committed about hainous matters which was proved 
'against him. 

The foure and twentieth day, died Edward Harington 
and George Walker, and were buried the same day. The 
six and twentieth day, died Kenelme Throgmortine. 
The seven and twentieth day died William Roods. The 
eight and twentieth day died Thomas Stoodie, Cape 
Merchant.^ 

The fourth day of September died Thomas Jacob Sergeant. 
The fift day, there died Benjamin Beast. Our men were de- 
stroyed with cruell diseases, as Swellings, Flixes, Burning 
Fevers, and by warres, and some departed suddenly, but for 
the most part they died of meere famine. There were never 
Englishmen left in a forreigne Countrey in such miserie as 
wee were in this new discovered Virginia. Wee watched every 
three nights, lying on the bare cold ground, what weather 
soever came, [and] warded all the next day, which brought 
our men to bee most feeble wretches. Our food was but a 
small Can of Barlie sod in water, to five men a day, our drinke 
cold water taken out of the River, which was at a floud verie 

^ Captain Gosnold had exerted great influence in establishing the London 
Company. In 1602 he had made a voyage to New England, for an account 
of which see Brereton's Briefe and True Relation in the volume of this series 
entitled Early English and French Voyages. 

' Thomas Studley. The cape merchant was the company's general 
keeper of the stores. 



22 NARKATIVES OF EAliLY VIRGINIA [1^07 

salt, at a low tide full of slime and filth, which was the destruc- 
tion of many of our men. Thus we lived for the space of five 
moneths in this miserable distresse, not having five able men 
to man our Bulwarkes upon any occasion. If it had not pleased 
God to have put a terrour in the Savages hearts, we had all 
perished by those vild and cruell Pagans, being in that weake 
estate as we were ; our men night and day groaning in every 
corner of the Fort most pittifull to heare. If there were any 
conscience in men, it would make their harts to bleed to heare 
the pitifull murmurings and out-cries of our sick men without 
reliefe, every night and day, for the space of sixe weekes, 
some departing out of the World, many times three or foure in 
a night ; in the morning, their bodies trailed out of their Cabines 
like Dogges to be buried. In this sort did I see the mortalitie 
of divers of our people. 

It pleased God, after a while, to send those people which 
were our mortall enemies to releeve us with victuals, as Bread, 
Corne, Fish, and Flesh in great plentie, which was the setting 
up of our feeble men, otherwise wee had all perished. Also 
we were frequented by divers Kings in the Countrie, bringing 
us store of provision to our great comfort. 

The eleventh day,^ there was certaine Articles laid against 
Master Wingfield ^ which was then President ; thereupon he 
was not only displaced out of his President ship, but also from 
being of the Councell. Afterwards Captaine John Rat cliff e 
was chosen President. 

The eighteenth day, died one Ellis Kinistone,^ which was 
starved to death with cold. The same day at night, died one 
Richard Simmons. The nineteenth day, there died one Thomas 
Mouton. 



' Of September, 1607. 

' Edward Maria Wingfield was born about 1560 and was a brave soldier, 
who served in Ireland and then in the Netherlands. He was elected May 14, 
1607, first president of the first council in the first English colony in America. 
Suspected of being a Catholic, he lost his influence among the settlers and 
was deposed. See his Discourse of Virginia, mentioned in the introduction 
to this section. ^ Smith gives this name as Kingston. 



1607] OBSERVATIONS BY GEOKGE PEKCY 23 

William White (having hved with the Natives) reported 
to us of their customes. In the morning by breake of day, 
before they eate or drinke, both men, women, and children, 
that be above tenne yeares of age, runnes into the water, there 
washes themselves a good while till the Sunne riseth, then 
offer Sacrifice to it, strewing Tobacco on the water or Land, 
honouring the Sunne as their God. Likewise they doe at 
the setting of the Sunne. 



A TRUE RELATION, BY CAPTAIN 
JOHN SMITH, 1608 



INTRODUCTION 

This tract contains a brief account of the Virginia colonists 
from the time of their leaving London, December 20, 1606, to 
the departure of the Phoenix for England, June 2, 1608. It 
was entered for pubhcation at Stationers' Hall, August 13, 
1608, and some of the copies purported to be written by ''a 
Gentleman of the said Collony.'' Other copies ascribed the 
work to ''Th. Watson Gent, one of the said Collony," but a 
final issue identified the author as ''Captain Smith Coronell of 
the said Collony." The editor of the tract as last presented 
explained the use of Thomas Watson's name as ''owing to the 
overrashnesse or mistaking of the workemen." The pamphlet 
itself bears internal evidence that it was from Captain John 
Smith's pen. He was the son of George and Ahce Smith, 
tenants of Peregrine Bertie, Lord Wiiloughby, and was bap- 
tized at Wiiloughby, January 9, 1580. At fifteen years of age 
he was apprenticed to a merchant, but the love of excitement 
was strong in him, and the next nine years were passed on the 
continent of Europe in constant travel and adventure. He 
served in the French, Dutch, and Transylvanian armies, and 
encountered many dangers. He was robbed and beaten by 
outlaws, was thrown into the sea for a heretic, and was a slave 
to a Turkish pasha. He had many hairbreadth escapes, but 
the most notable incident of his early career was his three 
combats before the city of Regall with the three Turkish 
champions, whose heads he cut off one after another. As a 
reward he received from Sigismund Bathori, a prince of Tran- 
sylvania, a coat of arms with three Turks' heads in a shield. 

f{7 



28 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA 

Smith returned to England in 1604, and immediately became 
interested in the movement then on foot to establish a colony 
in Virginia. His reputation had preceded him, and he was 
picked out as one of the council to direct affairs in Virginia. 
He remained in this service till October, 1609, having been 
from September 20, 1608, to September 20, 1609, president 
of the colony. His wonderful talent for hairbreadth escapes 
did not desert him. He was charged on the way over with 
conspiracy and kept under arrest till three weeks after the 
settlers landed at Jamestown. In December, 1607, he was 
captured by the Indians and was saved from death by Poca- 
hontas. He returned to Jamestown only to run into a new 
danger. He was arrested by the council and condemned to 
death and escaped hanging by the timely return of Captain 
Christopher Newport, who interfered and saved his hfe. Cap- 
tain Smith left the colony at the end of his presidency, and for 
several years he was in the employment of the Plymouth Com- 
pany, giving the name to New England and making a valuable 
chart of the country. From 1615 to his death in 1631 he Hved 
quietly in England, where he was known as a prolific writer. 
In 1612 he published his Map of Virginia, in 1624 The Generall 
Historie of Virginia, New England and the Summer Isles, and 
in 1630 The True Travels. The absence of any reference in 
the True Relation to his rescue by Pocahontas has led some to 
doubt the truth of his assertions; but it appears that Smith 
omitted any particular mention of several other prominent 
incidents since his departure from London, affecting him per- 
sonally. He has nothing to say of his arrest in the West 
Indies for mutiny, or the sentence of death imposed at James- 
town after his return from captivity. The timely arrival of 
Newport was in fact even more surprising than the kindly 
intervention of Pocahontas. Nor does he say in the True 
Relation anything of the fine of £200 imposed at Jamestown 
upon Wingfield for Smith's arrest in the West Indies. It is 



INTRODUCTION 29 

not to be forgotten that the editor of the True Relation ex- 
pressly states that the pubhshed account does not include the 
entire manuscript as it came from Smith. Smith was often 
inaccurate in his estimates as to time and place and often very 
prejudiced in his judgments of others, but that is far from say- 
ing that he could mistake plain objects of sense or deliberately 
concoct a story having no foundation. The narrative below, 
in its essential features, is strongly supported by other con- 
temporaneous documents, though for the reasons stated not 
much weight is to be attached to his opinions of the motives 
of Wingfield and the rest. 

The True Relation was reprinted in 1866 at Boston, in a 
small edition, with an introduction and notes by Dr. Charles 
Deane. 

L, G. T. 



A TRUE RELATION, BY CAPTAIN 
JOHN SMITH, 1608 

A True Relation of such occurrences and accidents of noate 
as hath hapned in Virginia since the first planting of that 
Collony, which is now resident in the South part thereof j 
till the last returne from thence. 

Written by Captain Smith, Coronell of the said Collony j to a 
worshipfidl friend of his in England. 

London : Printed for John Tappe, and are to hee solde at the 
Greyhound in Paules-Church-yard, by W. W. 1608.^ 

TO THE COURTEOUS READER 

Courteous, Kind, and indifferent Readers, whose willing- 
nesse to reade and heare this following discourse, doth explaine 
to the world your hearty affection, to the prosecuting and fur- 
therance of so worthy an action : so it is, that like to an un- 
skilfull actor, who having by misconstruction of his right Cue, 
over-slipt himselfe, in beginning of a contrary part, and fear- 
ing the hatefull hisse of the captious multitude, with a modest 
blush retires himself in private ; as doubting the reprehension 
of his whole audience in publicke, and yet againe upon further 
deliberation, thinking it better to know their censures at the 
first, and upon submission to reape pardon, then by seeking 
to smother it, to incurre the danger of a secret scandall : Im- 
boldening himselfe upon the curteous kindnesse of the best, 
and not greatly respecting the worst, comes fourth againe, 
makes an Apollogie for himselfe, shewes the cause of his error, 
craves pardon for his rashness, and in fine, receives a generall 

* This italic heading is from the title page of one of the original copies. 

30 



JOHN SMITH'S TRUE RELATION 31 

applauditie of the whole assemblie : so I gentle Readers, hap- 
pening upon this relation by chance (as I take it, at the second 
or third hand) induced thereunto by divers well willers of the 
action, and none wishing better towards it then my selfe, 
so farre foorth as my poore abilitie can or may stretch to, 
I thought good to publish it: but the Author being absent 
from the presse, it cannot be doubted but that some faults 
have escaped in the printing, especially in the names of Coun- 
tries, Townes, and People, which are somewhat strange unto 
us ; but most of all, and which is the chiefe error (for want of 
knowledge of the Writer), some of the bookes were printed 
under the name of Thomas Watson, by whose occasion I know 
not, unlesse it were the over rashnesse, or mistaking of the 
workemen, but since having learned that the saide discourse 
was written by Captaine Smith, who is one of the Counsell there 
in Virginia: I thought good to make the like Apollogie, by 
shewing the true Author so farre as my selfe could learne, 
not doubting, but that the wise, noting it as an error of igno- 
rance, will passe it over with patience ; and if worthy an ap- 
plauditie, to reserve it to the Author, whose paines in my 
judgement deserveth commendations; somewhat more was by 
him written, which being as I thought (fit to be private) I 
would not adventure to make it publicke. AVhat more may 
be expected concerning the scituation of the Country, the 
nature of the clime, number of our people there resident, 
the manner of their government, and living, the commodities 
to be produced, and the end and effect it may come too, I can 
say nothing more then is here written : only what I have learned 
and gathered from the generall consent of all (that I have 
conversed withall) aswell marriners as others, which have 
had imployment that way, is that the Country is excellent and 
pleasant, the clime temperate and health full, the ground 
fertill and good, the commodities to be expected (if well fol- 
lowed) many, for our people, the worst being already past, 
these former having indured the heate of the day, whereby 
those that shall succeede, may at ease labour for their profit, 
in the most sweete, coole, and temperate shade: the action 



32 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1608 

most honorable, and the end to the high glory of God, to the 

erecting of true religion among Infidells, to the overthrow of 

superstition and idolatrie, to the winning of many thousands 

of wandring sheepe, unto Christs fold, who now, and till now, 

have strayed in the unknowne paths of Paganisme, Idolatrie, 

and superstition: yea, I say the Action being well followed, 

as by the grave Senators, and worthy adventurors, it hath 

beene worthily begunne : will tend to the everlasting renowne 

of our Nation, and to the exceeding good and benefit of our 

Weale publicke in generall: whose Counsells, labours, godly 

and industrious endeavours, I beseech the mighty Jehovah to 

blesse, prosper, and further, with his heavenly ayde, and holy 

assistance. ^ „ 

FareweU. 

A True relation of such occurrences and accidents of note, as 
hath hapned at Virginia, since the first planting of that 
Collony, which is now resident in the South part thereof, 
till the last returne. 

KiNDE Sir, commendations remembred, &c. You shall un- 
derstand that after many crosses in the downes ^ by tempests, wee 
arrived safely uppon the Southwest part of the great Canaries : 
within foure or five daies after we set saile for Dominica, the 26. 
of Aprill : the first land we made, wee fell with Cape Henry, the 
verie mouth of the Bay of Chissiapiacke, which at that present 
we little expected, having by a cruell storme bene put to the 
Northward. Anchoring in this Bay twentie or thirtie went a 
shore with the Captain, and in comming aboard, they were as- 
salted with certaine Indians which charged them within Pistoll 
shot : in which conflict, Captaine Archer and Mathew Morton 
were shot : wherupon Captaine Newport seconding them, made a 
shot at them, which the Indians little respected, but having spent 
their arrowes re tyred without harme. And in that place was the 
Box opened, wherin the Counsell for Virginia was nominated : 

^ The Downs is the part of the North Sea immediately east of Kent, 
between its coast and the Goodwin Sands. 



1607] JOHN SMITH'S TRUE RELATION 33 

and arriving at the place where wee are now seated . the Coun- 
sel was sworn, and the President elected, which for that yeare 
was Maister Edm. Maria Wingfield, where was made choice for 
our scituation, a verie fit place for the erecting of a great cittie, 
about which some contention passed betwixt Captaine Wing- 
field and Captaine Gosnold : notwithstanding, all our provision 
was brought a shore, and with as much speede as might bee 
wee went about our fortification. 

The two and twenty day of Aprill,^ Captain Newport and 
my selfe with divers others, to the number of twenty two per- 
sons, set forward to discover the River, some fiftie or sixtie miles, 
finding it in some places broader, and in some narrower, the 
Countrie (for the moste part) on each side plaine high ground, 
with many fresh Springes, the people in all places kindely 
intreating us, daunsing and feasting us with strawberries 
Mulberies, Bread, Fish, and other their Countrie provisions 
wherof we had plenty: for which Captaine Newport kindely 
requited their least favours with Bels, Pinnes, Needles, beades, 
or Glasses, which so contented them that his liberallitie made 
them follow us from place to place, and ever kindel}^ to respect 
us. In the midway staying to refresh our selves in a little 
He foure or five savages came unto us which described unto us 
the course of the River, and after in our journey, they often 
met us, trading with us for such provision as wee had, and 
ariving at Arsatecke,^ hee whom we supposed to bee the chief e 
King of all the rest, moste kindely entertained us, giving us 
in a guide to go with us up the River to Powhatan, of which 
place their great Emperor taketh his name, where he that 
they honored for King^ used us kindely. But to finish 
this discoverie, we passed on further, where within an 

^ This is an error; the landing took place on May 14, 1607, and the voy- 
age of exploration up the river began on May 21. 

' This word is generally written ''Arrohateck," and according to William 
Wallace Tooker, the distinguished anthropologist, was cognate with the Natick 
ahahnetau, "he laughs at him." Hence the name given by the settlers " Arro- 
hatecks Joy." A farm, a little above Farrar's Island on the north side of tbo 
river, distant about twenty miles from Richmond, still retains the name Arrir 
hateck. ^ The chief at the Falls was Parahunt, son of Powhatan. 



34 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1607 

ile^ we were intercepted with great craggy stones in the midst of 
the river, where the water falleth so rudely, and with such a vio- 
lence, as not any boat can possibly passe, and so broad disperseth 
thestreame, as there is not past five or sixe Foote at a low water, 
and to the shore scarce passage with a barge, the water 
floweth foure foote, and the freshes by reason of the Rockes 
have left markes of the inundations 8. or 9. foote : The South 
side is plaine low ground, and the north side is high mountaines 
the rockes being of a gravelly nature, interlaced with many 
vains of glistring spangles. That night we returned to Pow- 
hatan: the next day (being Whitsimday after dinner) we 
returned to the fals, leaving a mariner in pawn with the Indians 
for a guide of theirs; hee that they honoured for King fol- 
lowed us by the river. That aftemoone we trifled in looking 
upon the Rockes and river (further he would not goe) so there 
we erected a crosse, and that night taking our man at Powhatan, 
Captaine Newport congratulated his kindenes with a Gown 
and a Hatchet : returning to Arseteche, and stayed there the 
next day to observe the height ^ therof, and so with many signes 
of love we departed. The next day the Queene of Agamatack ^ 
kindely intreated us, her people being no lesse contented then 
the rest, and from thence we went to another place (the name 
whereof I do not remember) where the people shewed us the 
manner of their diving for Mussels, in which they finde Pearles. 
That night passing by Weanock ^ some twentie miles from 

'"Within an ile" is probably intended for ''within a mile." In the 
more particular description of Gabriel Archer, A Relatyon of the Discovery 
of our River, the distance of the Indian town Powhatan from the Falls is put 
at three miles. It stood on a hill, and in the river in front was an island, 
which serves to identify the site of the town with Marin Hill or Tree Hill 
on the north side of James River. Above the Falls, where Richmond now 
stands, was the territory of the Manakins, who were enemies of the chief 
Powhatan. ^ They took the latitude of the place. 

' Appomattox. The site of the village of Queen Opussoquionuske was 
Bermuda Hundred, near the mouth of the Appomattox River. 

* The modern spelling of this name is Weyanoke. The chief town of this 
tribe was on the south side, at the head of Powell's Creek, though the country 
opposite on the north side was also subject to their sway. The name ad- 
heres to the north side instead of to the south. 



1607] JOHN SMITH'S TRUE RELATION 35 

our Fort, they according to their former churlish condition, 
seemed httle to affect us, but as wee departed and lodged at 
the point of Weanocke, the people the next morning seemed 
kindely to content us, yet we might perceive many signes of 
a more Jealousie in them then before, and also the Hinde that 
the King of Arseteck had given us, altered his resolution in 
going to our Fort, and with many kinde circumstances left us 
there. This gave us some occasion to doubt some mischief e 
at the Fort, yet Capt. Newport intended to have visited Pas- 
pahegh and Tappahanocke, but the instant change of the winde 
being faire for our return we repaired to the fort with all speed * 
where the first we heard was that 400. Indians the day before 
had assalted the fort, and supprised it, had not God (beyond 
al their expectations) by meanes of the shippes, at whom 
they shot with their Ordinances and Muskets, caused them 
to retire, they had entred the fort with our own men, which 
were then busied in setting Corne, their Armes beeing then 
in driefats ^ and few ready but certain Gentlemen of their 
own, in which conflict, most of the Counsel was hurt, a boy 
slaine in the Pinnas, and thirteene or fourteene more hurt. 
With all speede we pallisadoed our Fort: (each other day) 
for sixe or seaven dales we had alarums by ambuscadoes, and 
four or five cruelly wounded by being abroad: the Indians 
losse wee know not, but as they report three were slain and 
divers hurt. 

Captaine Newport having set things in order, set saile 
for England the 22d of June, leaving provision for 13. or 14 
weeks. The day before the Ships departure, the King of 
Pamaunke ^ sent the Indian that had met us before in our 

^ They reached the fort May 27. 

' Dry-vats, i.e., baskets or packing-cases. 

' The Pamunkey country lay between the Pamunkey and Mattapony 
rivers. At Uttamussick, the Indians had three long arbor-like wigwams, 
where the medicine-men performed their conjurations and incantations. 
The king of the Pamunkeys was the celebrated Opechancanough, the second 
brother and second successor of Powhatan. In 1616 he was chosen by the 
Chickahominies to be their king. He died, at nearly one hundred years of 
age, in 1646. 



36 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [160? 

discoverie, to assure us peace ; our fort being then palisadoed 
round, and all our men in good health and comfort, albeit, 
that thro[u]gh some discontented humors, it did not so long 
continue, for the President and Captaine Gosnold, with the 
rest of the Counsell, being for the moste part discontented with 
one another, in so much, that things were neither carried with 
that discretion nor any busines effected in such good sort as 
wisdome would, nor our owne good and safetie required, 
whereby, and through the hard deahng of our President, 
the rest of the counsell beeing diverslie affected through his 
audacious commaund ; and for Captaine Martin, albeit verie 
honest, and wishing the best good, yet so sicke and weake; 
and my selfe so disgrac'd through others mallice: through 
which disorder God (being angrie with us) plagued us with 
such famin and sicknes, that the living were scarce able to 
bury the dead : our want of sufficient and good victualls, with 
continuall watching, foure or five each night at three Bulwarkes, 
being the chief e cause : onely of Sturgion wee had great store, 
whereon our men would so greedily surfet, as it cost manye 
their lives: the Sack, Aquavitie,^ and other preservatives for 
our health, being kept onely in the Presidents hands, for his 
owne diet, and his few associates.^ Shortly after Captaine 
Gosnold fell sicke, and within three weekes died, Captaine 
Ratcliffe being then also verie sicke and weake, and my selfe 
having also tasted of the extremitie therof , but by Gods assist- 
ance being well recovered, Kendall about this time, for divers 
reasons deposed from being of the Councell : and shortly after 
it pleased God (in our extremity) to move the Indians to bring 
us Corne, ere it was halfe ripe, to refresh us, when we rather 
expected when they would destroy us: about the tenth of 

^ Brandy. 

^ Wingfield had charge of the common store, but he denied vigorously 
that he feasted in the way suggested by Smith, who hated him. He dis- 
pensed the oil, vinegar, sack (sherry) and aqua vitae (brandy) with great 
care, and when the quantity was much reduced had the rest sealed up to be 
kept for emergencies, but "Lord, how they then longed for to supp up that 
litle remnant, for they had nowe emptied all their owne bottles and all 
other that they could smell out." Wingfield, A Discourse of Virginia. 



1607] JOHN SMITHES TRUE RELATION 37 

September there was about 46. of our men dead, at which time 
Captaine Wingefield having ordred the affaires in such sort 
that he was generally hated of all, in which respect with one 
consent he was deposed from his presidencie, and Captaine 
Ratcliffe ^ according to his course was elected. 

Our provision being now within twentie dayes spent, the 
Indians brought us great store both of Come and bread ready 
made: and also there came such aboundance of Fowles into 
the Rivers, as greatly refreshed our weake estates, whereuppon 
many of our weake men were presently able to goe abroad. 
As yet we had no houses to cover us, our Tents were rotten 
and our Cabbins worse then nought: our best commoditie 
was Yron which we made into little chissels. The president 
and Captaine Martins sicknes, constrayned me to be Cape 
Marchant, and yet to spare no paines in making houses for the 
company ; who notwithstanding our misery, little ceased their 
mallice, grudging, and muttering. As at this time were most 
of our chiefest men either sicke or discontented, the rest being 
in such dispaire, as they would rather starve and rot with idle- 
nes, then be perswaded to do any thing for their owne reliefe 
without constraint : our victualles being now within eighteene 
dayes spent, and the Indians trade decreasing, I was sent to 
the mouth of the river, to Kegquouhtan an Indian Towne, to 
trade for Corne, and try the River for Fish, but our fishing we 
could not effect by reason of the stormy weather. The Indians 
thinking us neare famished, with carelesse kindnes, offred us 
little pieces of bread and small handfulls of beanes or wheat, 
for a hatchet or a piece of copper : In like maner I entertained 
their kindnes, and in like scorne offered them like commodities, 
but the Children, or any that shewed extraordinary kindnes. 



* John Ratcliffe 's true name appears to have been John Sicklemore, and 
his alias *'RatcUffe" was probably due to a second marriage of his mother 
to one Ratcliffe. He made no concealment of his alias, as Smith suggests 
in another paper. He was president till July, 1608, when he was removed 
and Matthew Scrivener became president. He went to England in January, 
1609, and returned to Virginia in June, 1609, where he was betrayed and slain 
by the Indians in the winter of 1609-1610. 



38 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1607 

I liberally contented with free gif te, such trifles as wel contented 
them. Finding this colde comfort, I anchored before the 
Towne, and the next day returned to trade, but God (the 
absolute disposer of all heartes) altered their conceits, for now 
they were no lesse desirous of our commodities then we of their 
Corne : under colour to fetch fresh water, I sent a man to dis- 
cover the Towne, their Corne, and force, to trie their intent, 
in that they desired me up to their houses : which well under- 
standing, with foure shot I visited them. With fish, oysters, 
bread, and deere, they kindly traded with me and my men, 
beeing no lesse in doubt of my intent, then I of theirs ; for well 
I might with twentie men have fraighted a Shippe with Corne. 
The Towne conteineth eighteene houses, pleasantly seated 
upon three acres of ground, uppon a plaine, halfe invironed 
with a great Bay of the great River, the other parte with a 
Baye of the other River falling into the great Baye, with a 
little He fit for a Castle in the mouth thereof,^ the Towne ad- 
joyning to the maine b}^ a necke of Land of sixtie yardes. 
With sixteene bushells of Corne I returned towards our Forte : 
by the way I encountred with two Canowes of Indians, who 
came aboord me, being the inhabitants of Waroskoyack,^ a 
kingdome on the south side of the river, which is in breadth 5. 
miles and 20 mile or neare from the mouth: AVith these I 
traded, who having but their hunting provision, requested 
me to returne to their Towne, where I should load my boat 
with corne: and with near thirtie bushells I returned to the 
fort, the very name wherof gave great comfort to our despar- 
ing company. 

Time thus passing away, and having not above 14. dales 
victuals left, some motions were made about our presidents 
and Captaine Archers going for England, to procure a supply : 
in which meane time we had reasonably fitted us with houses. 
And our President and Captaine Martin being able to walk 

^ The island on which Fort Monroe now stands. 

' Warascoyack was an Indian town situated on Pagan River in Isle of 
Wight County. 



1607] JOHN SMITHS THUE RELATION 39 

abroad, with much adoe it was concluded, that the pinnace 
and barge should goe towards Powhatan, to trade for corne: 
Lotts were cast who should go in her, the chance was mine; 
and while she was a rigging, I made a voiage to Topohanack,^ 
where arriving, there was but certain women and children 
who fled from their houses, yet at last I drew them to draw 
neere; truck they durst not, corne they had plenty, and to 
spoile I had no commission : In my returne to Paspahegh, I 
traded with that churlish and trecherous nation : having loaded 
10 or 12 bushels of corne, they offred to take our pieces and 
swords, yet by stelth, but [we] seeming to dislike it, they were 
ready to assault us : yet standing upon our guard, in coasting 
the shore, divers out of the woods would meet with us with 
corn and trade. But least we should be constrained, either 
to indure overmuch wrong or directly [to] fal to revenge, seeing 
them dog us from place to place, it being night, and our neces- 
sitie not fit for warres, we tooke occasion to returne with 10 
bushells of corne: Captaine Martin after made 2 journies to 
that nation of Paspahegh, but cache time returned with 8. 
or 10. bushells. 

All things being now ready for my journey to Powhatan, 
for the performance thereof, I had 8. men and my selfe for the 
barge, as well for discoverie as trading; the Pinnace, 5. Mar- 
riners, and 2. landmen to take in our ladings at convenient 
places. The 9 of November I set forward for the discovery 
of the country of Chikhamania,^ leaving the pinnace the next 
tide to followe, and stay for my comming at Point weanock, 
20 miles from our fort : the mouth of this river falleth into the 
great river at Paspahegh, 8 miles above our fort : That after- 
noone I stayed the eb in the bay of Paspahegh with the Indians : 
towards the evening certaine Indians haled me, one of them 
being of Chikahamania, offred to conduct me to his country. 

^ Quiyoughcohannock in Surry County is intended. 

* According to William Wallace Tooker Chickahominy was not a place- 
name, but the designation of a people who contributed corn to the colonists, 
thus saving them from starvation. He gives its etymology as Chick-aham- 
min-anaugh; ''coarse-pounded corn people," or in brief, "hominy people." 



40 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1607 

The Paspahegheans grudged therat : along we went by moone- 
light : at midnight he brought us before his Towne, desiring one 
of our men to go up with him, whom he kindely intertained, and 
returned back to the barge : The next morning I went up to the 
towne, and shewed them what copper and hatchets they shold 
have for corne, each family seeking to give me most content : 
so long they caused me to stay that 100 at least was expecting 
my comming by the river, with corne. What I liked, I bought ; 
and least they should perceive my too great want, I went 
higher up the river: This place is called Manosquosick,^ a 
quarter of a mile from the river, conteining thirtie or fortie 
houses, uppon an exceeding high land : at the foote of the hill 
towards the river, is a plaine wood, watered with many springes 
which fall twentie yardes right downe into the river. Right 
against the same is a great marsh, of 4. or 5. miles circuit, 
divided in 2 Hands, by the parting of the river, abounding 
with fish and foule of all sorts. A mile from thence is a Towne 
called Oraniocke. I further discovered the Townes of Mansa, 
Apanaock, Werawahone, and Mamanahunt, at eche place 
kindely used : especially at the last, being the hart of the Coun- 
try; where were assembled 200. people with such aboundance 
of corne, as having laded our barge, as also I might have laded 
a ship. 

I returned to Paspahhegh, and considering the want of 
Corne at our Fort, it being night, with the ebb, by midnight I 
arived at our fort, where I found our Pinnis run aground: 
The next morning I unladed seaven hogsheds into our store. 
The next morning I returned againe : the second day I arived 
at Mamanahunt, wher the people having heard of my comming, 
were ready with 3 or 400. baskets litle and great, of which 
having laded my barge, with many signes of great kindnes I 
returned: At my departure they requested me to hear our 
pieces, being in the midst of the river ; which in regard of the 
eccho seemed a peale of ordnance. Many birds and fowles 

^ This town was probably located at Barret's Ferry on the road to Rich 
mond. 



1607 J JOHN SMITH'S TRUE RELATION 41 

they see us dayly kil that much feared them. So desirous of 
trade wer they, that they would follow me with their canowes ; 
and for anything, give it me, rather then returne it back. 
So I unladed again 7 or 8. hogsheads at our fort. 

Having thus by Gods assistance gotten good store of come, 
notwithstanding some bad spirits not content with Gods 
providence, still grew mutinous; in so much, that our presi- 
dent having occasion to chide the smith for his misdeamenour, 
he not only gave him bad language, but also offred to strike 
him with some of his tooles. For which rebellious act, the 
smith was by a Jury condemned to be hanged, but being uppon 
the ladder, continuing very obstinate as hoping upon a rescue, 
when he saw no other way but death with him, he became 
penitent, and declared a dangerous conspiracy: for which, 
Captaine Kendall, as principal, was by a Jur}^ condemned, 
and shot to death. This conspiracy appeased, I set forward 
for the discovery of the River Checka Hamania. This third 
time I discovered the Townes of Matapamient, Morinogh, 
Ascacap, moysenock, Righkahauck, Nechanichock, Mattalunt, 
Attamuspincke, and divers others: their plenty of corne 
I found decreased, yet lading the barge, I returned to our 
fort. 

Our store being now indifferently wel provided with corne, 
there was much adoe for to have the pinace goe for England, 
against which Captain Martin and my selfe stood chiefly against 
it: and in fine after many debatings pro et contra, it was re- 
solved to stay a further resolution : This matter also quieted, 
I set forward to finish this discovery, which as yet I had neg- 
lected in regard of the necessitie we had to take in provision 
whilst it was to be had. 40. miles I passed up the river, which 
for the most part is a quarter of a mile broad, and 3. fatham 
and a half deep, exceeding osey, many great low marshes, and 
many high lands, especially about the midst at a place called 
Moysonicke,^ a Peninsule of 4. miles circuit, betwixt two 

^ This description seems to agree with the bend of the Chickahominy at 
Lanexa on the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad. 



42 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1607 

rivers joyned to the main by a neck of 40. or 50. yards, and 40. 
or 50 yards from the high water marke : On both sides in the 
very necke of the maine, are high hills and dales, yet much 
inhabited, the He declining in a plaine fertile corne field, the 
lower end a low marsh. More plentie of swannes, cranes, 
geese, duckes, and mallards, and divers sorts of fowles, none 
would desire : more plaine fertile planted ground, in such great 
proportions as there, I had not scene ; of a light blacke sandy 
mould, the cliffes commonly red, white, and yellowe coloured 
sand, and under, red and white clay; fish [in] great plenty, 
and people aboundance: the most of their inhabitants, in 
view of the neck of Land, where a better seat for a towne 
cannot be desired: 

At the end of forty miles, this river invironeth many low 
Hands at each high water drowned for a mile, where it uniteth 
it selfe at a place called Apokant, the highest Towne inhabited. 
10. miles higher, I discovered with the barge : in the mid way, 
a greate tree hindered my passage, which I cut in two. Heere 
the river became narrower, 8. 9 or 10. foote at a high water, and 
6. or 7. at a lowe : the streame exceeding swift, and the bottom 
hard channell : the ground, most part a low plaine, sandy soyle. 
This occasioned me to suppose it might issue from some lake 
or some broad ford, for it could not be far to the head, but 
rather then I would endanger the barge.* Yet to have beene 
able to resolve this doubt, and to discharge the imputation 
of malicious tungs, that halfe suspected I durst not, for so 
long delaying: some of the company as desirous as my self, 
we resolved to hier a Canow, and returne with the barge to 
Apocant, there to leave the barge secure, and put our selves 
upon the adventure : the country onely a vast and wilde wilder- 
nes, and but onely that Towne : Within three or foure mile, 
we hired a Canow, and 2. Indians to row us the next day a 
fowling. Having made such provision for the barge as was 



* The sense here seems incomplete; it should read "but rather then 
(than) 1 would endanger the barge by going up further, I resolved to take it 
back to Apocant and use a canoe for the rest of the trip up the river." 



16<)7] JOHN SMITH'S TKUE RELATION 43 

needfull, I left her there to ride, with expresse charge not any 
to go ashore til my returne. 

Though some wise men may condenm this too bould attempt 
of too much indiscretion, yet if they well consider the friendship 
of the Indians in conducting me, the desolateness of the coun- 
try, the probabilitie of some lacke,^ and the malicious judges 
of my actions at home,^ as also to have some matters of worth 
to incourage our adventurers in england, might well have caused 
any honest minde to have done the like, as well for his own 
discharge as for the publike good: 

Having 2 Indians for my guide and 2 of our own company, 
I set forward, leaving 7 in the barge: Having discovered 
20 miles further in this desart, the river stil kept his depth 
and bredth, but much more combred with trees : Here we went 
ashore (being some 12 miles higher then the barge had bene) 
to refresh our selves, during the boyling of our vituals : One 
of the Indians I tooke with me, to see the nature of the soile, 
and to crosse the boughts ^ of the river : the other Indian I 
left with Maister Robbinson and Thomas Emry, with their 
matches light, and order to discharge a peece, for my retreat, 
at the first sight of any Indian. But within a quarter of an 
houre I heard a loud cry, and a hollowing of Indians, but no 
warning peece. Supposing them surprised, and that the Ind- 
ians had betraid us, presently I seazed him and bound his 
arme fast to my hand in a garter, with my pistoll ready bent 
to be revenged on him: he advised me to fly, and seemed 
ignorant of what was done. But as we went discoursing, I was 
struck with an arrow on the right thigh, but without harme : 
upon this occasion I espied 2. Indians drawing their bowes, 
which I prevented in discharging a french pistoll : By that I 
had charged againe, 3 or 4 more did the like : for the first fell 
downe and fled: At my discharge, they did the like. My 
hinde ^ I made my barricado, who offered not to strive. 20. or 
30. arrowes were shot at me but short. 3 or 4 times I had 
discharged my pistoll ere the king of Pamaunck called Opec- 

* '^ e.. lake. ' /.e., Jamestown. 'Windings. * Indian. 



44 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1607 

kankenough with 200 men, invironed me, eache drawing their 
bowe : which done they laid them upon the ground, yet with- 
out shot : Mv hinde treated betwixt them and me of conditions 
of peace ; he discovered me to be ^ the Captaine : my request 
was to retire to the boate: they demaunded my armes, the 
rest they saide were slaine, onely me they would reserve: 
The Indian importuned me not to shoot. In retiring being 
in the midst of a low quagmire, and minding them more then 
my steps, I stept fast into the quagmire, and also the Indian 
in drawing me forth : ^ 

Thus surprised, I resolved to trie their mercies : my armes 
I caste from me, till which none durst approch me. Being 
ceazed on me, they drew me out and led me to the King. I 
presented him with a compasse diall, describing by my best 
meanes the use therof: whereat he so amazedlv admired, 
as he suffered me to proceed in a discourse of the roundnes 
of the earth, the course of the sunne, moone, starres and 
plannets. With kinde speeches and bread he requited me, 
conducting me where the Canow lay and John Robbinson 
slaine, with 20 or 30. arrowes in him. Emry I saw not. 

I perceived by the aboundance of fires all over the woods. ^ 
At each place I expected when they would execute me, yet 
they used me with what kindnes they could: Approaching 
their Towne,* which was within 6 miles where I was taken, 
onely made as arbors and covered with mats, which they 
remove as occasion requires : all the women and children, be- 
ing advertised of this accident, came foorth to meet them, 
the King ^ well guarded with 20 bowmen 5 flanck and rear, and 
each flanck before him a sword and a peece, and after him the 

^ I.e., explained that I was. 

* Smith's capture seems to have occurred i'l White Oak Swamp. 

^ The sense requires here " that they were a party hunting deer." The 
method pursued in this occupation was as follows: Two or three hundred 
Indians would assemble and surround with many fires some spot frequented 
by the deer. Then several Indians would be placed between every two fires, 
and the deer being driven by others would in their efforts to avoid the fires 
run into the greater danger of the hunters, who would fill them with arrows. 

* Rasawrack. * Opechancanough. 



1607] JOHN SMITH'S TRUE RELATION 46 

like, then a bowman, then I on each hand a boweman, 
the rest in file in the reare, which reare led foorth amongst 
the trees in a bishion, cache his bo we and a handfull of arrowes, 
a quiver at his back grimly painted : on cache flanck a sargeant, 
the one running alwaies towards the front, the other towards 
the reare, each a true pace and in exceeding good order. This 
being a good time continued, they caste themselves in a ring 
with a daunce, and so cache man departed to his lodging. 
The Captain conducting me to his lodging, a quarter of Venison 
and some ten pound of bread I had for supper: what I left 
was reserved for me, and sent with me to my lodging : Each 
morning 3. women presented me three great platters of fine 
bread, more venison then ten men could devour I had: my 
gowne, points^ and garters, mycompas and my tablet they gave 
me again. Though 8 ordinarily guarded me, I wanted not what 
they could devise to content me : and still our longer acquaint- 
ance increased our better affection: 

Much they threatned to assault our forte, as they were so- 
licited by the King of Paspahegh : who shewed at our fort great 
signes of sorrow for this mischance.^ The King ^ tooke great 
delight in understanding the manner of our ships, and sayling 
the seas, the earth and skies, and of our God : what he knew 
of the dominions he spared not to acquaint me with, as of 
certaine men cloathed at a place called Ocanahonan, cloathed 
Hke me : the course of our river, and that within 4 or 5 dales 
journey of the falles, was a great turning of salt water: I 
desired he would send a messenger to Paspahegh,^ with a letter 
I would write, by which they shold understand how kindly 
they used me, and that I was w^ell, least they should revenge 
my death. This he granted and sent three men, in such 
weather as in reason were unpossible by any naked to be 
indured. Their cruell mindes towards the fort I had de- 

* Lacings for fastening the clothing. 

' I.e., the mischance of Smith's capture. 

3 The king here meant is not Paspahegh, but Opechancanough, chief of 
the Pamunkey Indians. 

* I.e., to Jamestown, which was situated in the country of the Paspaheghs. 



46 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [im 

verted, in describing the ordinance and the mines in the fields, 
as also the revenge Captain Newport would take of them at his 
returne. Their intent, I incerted the fort, the people of 
Ocanahonum and the back sea: this report they after found 
divers Indians that confirmed: 

The next day after my letter, came a salvage to my lodg- 
ing, with his sword, to have slaine me: but being by my 
guard intercepted, with a bo we and arrow he off red to have 
effected his purpose: the cause I knew not, till the King 
understanding thereof came and told me of a man a dying, 
wounded with my pistoll : he tould me also of another I had 
slayne, yet the most concealed they had any hurte: This 
was the father of him I had slayne, whose fury to prevent, the 
King presently conducted me to another Kingdome, upon the 
top of the next northerly river, called Youghtanan/ Having 
feasted me, he further led me to another branch of the river, 
called Mattapament ; ^ to two other hunting townes they led 
me: and to each of these Countries, a house of the great 
Emperour of Pewhakan, whom as yet I supposed to bee at the 
Fals; to him I tolde him I must goe, and so returne to Pas- 
pahegh. After this foure or five dayes marsh,^ we returned 
to Rasawi-ack, the first towne they brought me too: where 
binding the Mats in bundels, they marched two dayes journey, 
and crossed the River of Youghtanan, where it was as broad as 
Thames: so conducting me to a place called Menapacute in 
Pamaunke, where the King inhabited. 

The next day another King of that nation called Keka- 
taugh, having received some kindnes of me at the Fort, kindly 
invited me to feast at his house, the people from all places 
flocked to see me, each shewing to content me. By this, the 
great King hath foure or five houses, each containing foure- 
score or an hundred foote in length, pleasantly seated upon 
an high sandy hill, from whence you may see westerly a goodly 

* Now known as Pamunkey River, which joins the Mattapony River at 
West Point, forty miles from Chesapeake Bay, to form the York River- 

^ Sometimes written Mattapanient, which was contracted to Mattapony, 
by which name the river still goes- ^ March. 



1607J JOHN SMITH'S TRUE RELATION 47 

low Country, the river before the which his crooked course 
causeth many great Marshes of exceeding good ground. An 
hundred houses, and many large plaines are here togither 
inhabited. More abundance of fish and fowle, and a pleasanter 
seat cannot be imagined. The King with fortie Bowmen to 
guard me, intreated me to discharge my Pistoll, which they 
there presented me, with a mark at six score ^ to strike ther- 
with: but to spoil the practise, I broke the cocke, whereat 
they were much discontented, though a chaunce supposed. 

From hence, this kind King conducted mee to a place called 
Topahanocke, a kingdome upon another River northward : ^ 
The cause of this was, that the yeare before, a shippe had beene 
in the River of Pamaunke, who having beene kindly enter- 
tained by Powhatan their Emperour, they returned thence, 
and discovered the River of Topahanocke: where being 
received with hke kindnesse, yet he slue the King, and tooke 
of his people, and the}^ supposed I were hee. But the people 
reported him a great ^ man that was Captaine, and using 
mee kindly, the next day we departed. 

This River of Topahanock seemeth in breadth not much 
lesse then that we dwell upon. At the mouth of the River 
is a Countrey called Guttata women: upwards is Mar- 
raugh tacum, Tapohanock, Appamatuck, and Nantaugs 
,tacum: at top, Manahocks, the head issuing from many 
Mountaines. The next night I lodged at a hunting town of 
Powhatans, and the next day arrived at Waranacomoco * 
upon the river of Pamauncke, where the great king is resident. 
By the way we passed by the top of another little river, which 

* "Yards" to be supplied. 

2 The river "northward" was the Rappahannock, sometimes written 
Tappahannock, which is still the name of a town on the south side, marking 
the site of the Indian village. The chief of the tribe at the arrival of the 
English had been the guest, as we have seen, of the Quiyoughcohannocks and 
was mistaken by the whites as a resident on the James River. 

3 Tall. 

^ The correct spelling is "werowocomoco," meaning "the house of the 
werowance," or capital of the Powhatan confederacy. It was located on 
the north side of York River at Portan Bay, about fourteen miles from West 
Point. 



48 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1607 

is betwixt the two, called Pay anka tank. The most of this 
Country though Desert, yet exceeding fertil; good timber, 
most hils and dales, in each valley a cristall spring. 

Arriving at Weramocomoco, their Emperour proudly lying 
uppon a Bedstead a foote high, upon tenne or twelve Mattes, 
richly hung with manie Chaynes of great Pearles about his 
necke, and covered with a great Covering of Rahaughcums.^ 
At heade ^ sat a woman, at his feete another ; on each side 
sitting uppon a Matte uppon the ground, were raunged his 
chiefe men on each side the fire, tenne in a ranke, and behinde 
them as many yong women, each a great Chaine ^ of white 
Beades over their shoulders, their heades painted in redde: 
and with such a grave and Majesticall countenance, as drave 
me into admiration to see such state in a naked Salvage, hee 
kindly welcomed me with good wordes, and great Platters 
of sundrie Victuals, assuring mee his friendship, and my Ubertie 
within foure days. Hee much deUghted in Opechan Conoughs 
relation of what I had described to him, and oft examined 
me upon the same. Hee asked mee the cause of our comming. 
I tolde him being in fight with the Spaniards our enemie, 
beeing overpowred, neare put to retreat, and by extreame 
weather put to this shore: where landing at Chesipiack, the 
people shot us, but at Kequoughtan they kindly used us: 
we by signes demaunded fresh water, they described us up 
the River was all fresh water : at Paspahegh also they kindly 
used us: our Pinnasse being leake, we were inforced to stay 
to mend her, till Captaine Newport my father came to conduct 
us away. He demaunded why we went further with our Boate. 
I tolde him, in that I would have occasion to talke of the backe 
Sea, that on the other side the maine, where was salt water. 
My father ^ had a childe slaine, whiche wee supposed Monocaii 
his enemie:^ whose death we intended to revenge. 

After good deliberation, hee began to describe mee the 
Countreys beyonde the Falles, with many of the rest; con- 

^ Raccoon skins. ' I.e., at his head. ' Each with a great chain, 

* I.e., Christopher Newport. ' Supply "had done." 



1607] JOHN SMITHES TRUE RELATION 49 

firming what not onely Opechancanoyes, and an Indian which 
had beene prisoner to Pewhatan had before tolde mee: but 
some called it five dayes, some sixe, some eight, where the 
saj^de water dashed amongest many stones and rockes, each 
storm ; which caused oft tymes the heade of the River to bee 
brackish: Anchanachuck he described to bee the people 
that had slaine my brother : whose death hee would revenge. 
Hee described also upon the same Sea, a mighty Nation called 
Pocoughtronack, a fierce Nation that did eate men, and warred 
with the people of Moyaoncer and Pataromerke,^ Nations upon 
the toppe of the heade of the Bay, under his territories : where 
the yeare before they had slain an hundred. He signified 
their crownes were shaven, long haire in the necke, tied on a 
knot, Swords hke Pollaxes. 

Beyond them, he described people with short Coates, and 
Sleeves to the Elbowes, that passed that way in Shippes Hke 
ours. Many Kingdomes hee described mee, to the heade of 
the Bay, which seemed to bee a mightie River issuing from 
mightie Mountaines betwixt the two Seas : The people cloathed 
at Ocamahowan, he also confirmed ; and the Southerly Coun- 
tries also, as the rest that reported us to be within a day and 
a halfe of Mangoge, two dayes of Chawwonock, 6. from Roo- 
nock,^ to the south part of the backe sea : He described a 
countrie called Anone, where they have abundance of Brasse, 
and houses walled as ours. 

1 requited his discourse (seeing what pride hee had in his 
great and spacious Dominions, seeing that all hee knewe were 
under his Territories) in describing to him the territories of 
Europe, which was subject to our great King whose subject 
I was, the innumerable multitude of his ships, I gave him to 
understand the noyse of Trumpets, and terrible manner of 
fighting were under captain Newport my father: whom I 
intituled the Meworames,^ which they call the King of all 
the waters. At his greatnesse, he admired: and not a little 

* Misprint for Patawomecke (Potomac). 

2 Chowanoac and Roanoke. ^ A variation of werowance. 



50 NAKKATiVES OF EAKLY VIRGINIA [1607 

feared. He desired mee to forsake Paspahegh, and to live 
with him upon his River, a Countrie called Capa Howasicke.* 
Hee promised to give me Corne, Venison, or what I wanted to 
feede us: Hatchets and Copper wee should make him, and 
none should disturbe us. This request I promised to per- 
forme : and thus, having with all the kindnes hee could devise, 
sought to content me, hee sent me home, with 4. men: one 
that usually carried my Gowne and Knapsacke after me, 
two other loded with bread, and one to accompanie me. 

This River of Pamaunke is not past twelve mile from that 
we dwell on, his course northwest and westerly as the other. 
Weraocomoco is upon salt water in bredth two myles, and so ^ 
keepeth his course without any tarrying some twenty miles; 
where at the parting of the fresh water and the salt, it divideth 
it selfe into two partes, the one part to Goughland, as broad as 
Thames, and navigable with a Boate threescore or fourescore 
miles, and with a Shippe fiftie : exceeding crooked, and manie 
low grounds and marishes, but inhabited with aboundance of 
warUke and tall people. The Countrey of Youghtomam, of 
no lesse worth, onely it is lower; but all the soyle, a fatte, 
fertill, sandie ground. Above Manapacumter, many high 
sandie mountaines. By the River is many Rockes, seeming, 
if not, of severall Mines. The other branch a little lesse in 
breadth, yet extendeth not neare so farre, nor so well inhabited, 
somewhat lower, and a white sandie, and a white clay soyle : 
here is their best Terra Sigillata. The mouth of the River, 
as I see in the discoverie therof with captain Newport, is halfe 
a mile broad, and within foure miles not above a Musket shot : 
the channell exceeding good and deepe, the River straight to 
the de visions. Kiskirk ^ the nearest Nation to the entrances. 



The country of " Cappahowasicke " was on the north side of York River, 
east of Portan Bay. A wharf in that region still preserves the name. 

' After "so" supply "the river." 

' A variation of " Kiskiack " or " Chiskiack," a tribe w^hose chief town was 
on the south side of York River about three miles above the present York- 
town. The old brick church in this region, standing before 1861, was known 
by the name of Cheesecake Church. 



1607] JOHN SMITH'S TRUE KELATION 51 

Their religion and Ceremonie I observed was thus : Three 
or foure dayes after my taking, seven of them in the house 
where I lay, each with a rattle, began at ten a clocke in the 
morning to sing about the fire, which they invironed with a 
Circle of meale, and after a foote or two from that, at the end 
of each song, layde downe two or three graines of wheate: 
continuing this order till they have included sixe or seven 
hundred in a halfe Circle; and after that, two or three more 
Circles in hke maner, a hand bredth from other. That done, 
at each song, they put betwixt everie three, two, or five graines, 
a Httle sticke ; so counting as an old woman her Pater nosier. 

One disguised with a great Skinne, his head hung round 
with httle Skinnes of Weasels and other vermine, with a 
Crownet of feathers on his head, painted as ugly as the diveU, 
at the end of each song will make many signes and demonstra- 
tions, with strange and vehement actions, great cakes of 
Deere suet, Deare, and Tobacco he casteth in the fire: till 
sixe a clocke in the Evening, their howhng would continue 
ere they would depart. Each morning in the coldest frost, 
the principall, to the number of twentie or thirtie, assembled 
themselves in a round circle, a good distance from the towne : 
where they told me they there consulted where to hunt the 
next day: So fat they fed mee, that I much doubted they 
intended to have sacrificed mee to the Quiyoughquosicke, 
which is a superiour power they worship : a more ugher thing 
cannot be described. One they have for chief sacrifices, which 
also they call Quiyoughquosick. To cure the sick, a man, 
with a Rattle, and extreame howfing, showting, singing, and 
such violent gestures and Anticke actions over the patient, 
will sucke out blood and flegme from the patient, out of their 
unable stomacke, or any diseased place, as no labour will 
more tire them. Tobacco, they offer the water in passing in 
fowle weather. The death of any they lament with great 
sorrow and weeping. Their Kings they burie betwixt two 
mattes within their houses, with all his beads, jewels, hatchets, 
and copper : the other in graves hke ours. They acknowledge 
no resurrection. 



52 NARKATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1608 

Powhatan hath three brethren, and two sisters, each of 
his brethren succeeded^ other. For the Crowne, their heyres 
inherite not, but the first heyres of the Sisters, and so succes- 
sively the weomens heires. For the Kings have as many 
weomen as they will, his Subjects two, and most but one. 

From Weramocomoco is but 12. miles, vet the Indians 
trifled away that day,^ and would not goe to our Forte by any 
perswasions: but in certaine olde hunting houses of Paspa- 
hegh we lodged all night. The next morning ^ ere Sunne rise, 
we set forward for our Fort, where we arrived within an houre : 
where each man with the truest signes of joy the}^ could ex- 
presse welcommed me, except M. Archer, and some 2. or 3. 
of his, who was then in my absence, sworne Counsellour, though 
not with the consent of Captaine Martin: Great blame and 
imputation was laide upon mee by them, for the losse of our 
two men which the Indians slew : insomuch that they purposed 
to depose me. But in the midst of my miseries, it pleased 
God to send Captaine Nuport: who arriving there the same 
night, so tripled our joy as for a while these plots against me 
were deferred; though with much maUce against me, which 
captain Newport in short time did plainly see. Now was 
maister Scrivener, captaine Martin, and my selfe, called 
Counsellers. 

Within five or sixe dayes after the arrivall of the Ship, by 
a mischaunce our Fort was burned, and the most of our 
apparell, lodging and private provision. Many of our old men 
diseased, and of our new for want of lodging perished. The 
Empereur Powhatan, each weeke once or twice, sent me many 
presents of Deare, bread, Raugroughcuns ; halfe alwayes for 
my father * whom he much desired to see, and halfe for me : 
and so continually importuned by messengers and presents, 
that I would come to fetch the corne, and take the Countrie 

* " Succeedeth " or ''will succeed." Smith means to say that the chief 
authority passed from brother to brother, but never to their descendants. 
After the death of the youngest brother the eldest sister succeeded, and then 
her children, the boys first and girls next. 

' January 1, 1608. ' January 2, 1608. * Captain Newport. 



1608] JOHN SMITH'S TRUE RELATION 53 

their King had given me, as at last Captaine Newport resolved 
to go see him. Such acquaintance I had amongst the Indians, 
and such confidence they had in me, as neare the Fort they 
would not come till I came to them ; every of them calling me 
by my name, would not sell any thing till I had first received 
their presents, and what they had that I hked, they deferred 
to my discretion: but after acquaintance, they usually came 
into the Fort at their pleasure : The President and the rest of 
the Councell, they knewe not ; but Captaine Newports great- 
nesse I had so described, as they conceyved him the chiefe, 
the rest his children. Officers, and servants. 

We had agreed with the king of Paspahegh, to conduct 
two of our men to a place called Panawicke ^ beyond Roonok, 
where he reported many men to be apparelled. Wee landed 
him at Warraskoyack, where ^ playing the villaine, and de- 
luding us for rewards, returned within three or foure dayes 
after, without going further. Captaine Newport, maister 
Scrivener, and my selfe, found the mouth of Pamauncks 
river, some 25. or 30. miles north ward from Cape Henricke, 
the chanell good as before expressed. 

Arriving at Weramocomoca, being jealous of the intent of 
this politick salvage ; to discover his intent the better, I with 
20. shot armed in Jacks,^ went a shore. The Bay where he 
dwelleth hath in it 3. cricks, and a mile and a halfe from the 
chanel all os.^ Being conducted to the towne, I found my 
selfe mistaken in the creeke, for they al there were within 
lesse then a mile: the Emperors sonne called Naukaquawis, 
the captaine that tooke me, and diverse others of his chiefe 
men, conducted me to their kings habitation. But in the 
mid way I was intercepted by a great creek over which they 
had made a bridge of grained stakes and railes. The king of 
Kiskieck, and Namontack, who all the journey, the king had 
sent to guide us, had conducted us this passage, which caused 

* The Pananuaioc of Hakluyt and of De Bry's map. See Early English 
and French Voyages, in this series, p. 238. ^ After ''where" supply " he." 

^ I.e., twenty armed men clad in jacks, — coats made of thick leather. 

* Ooze or marsh. 



54 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1608 

me to suspect some mischiefe : the barge I had sent to meet me 
at the right landing, when I found my selfe first deceyved. 
And knowing by experience the most of their courages to pro- 
ceede from others feare, though fewe lyked the passage, I 
intermingled the Kings sonne, our conductors, and his chiefe 
men amongst ours, and led forward, leaving halfe at the one 
ende to make a guard for the passage of the Front. The Ind- 
ians seeing the weakenesse of the Bridge, came with a Canow, 
and tooke me in of the middest, with foure or five more : being 
landed, wee made a guard for the rest till all were passed. 
Two in a ranke we marched to the Emperors house. Before 
his house stood fortie or fiftie great Platters of fine bread. 
Being entred the house, with loude tunes they all made signes 
of great joy. This proude salvage, having his finest women, 
and the principall of his chiefe men assembled, sate in rankes 
as before is expressed : himself as upon a Throne at the upper 
ende of the house, with such a Majestic as I cannot expresse, 
nor yet have often scene, either in Pagan or Christian. With 
a kinde countenance hee bad mee welcome, and caused a 
place to bee made by himself e to sit. I presented him a sute 
of red cloath, a white Greyhound, and a Ilatte : as Jewels he 
esteemed them, and with a great Oration made by three of his 
Nobles, if there be any amongst Salvages, kindly accepted 
them, with a pubfike confirmation of a perpetuall league and 
friendship. 

After that, he commanded the Queene of Apamatuc, a 
comely yong Salvage, to give me water, a Turkic cocke, and 
breade to eate : Being thus feasted, hee began his discourse 
to this purpose. Your kinde visitation doth much content 
mee, but where is your father whom I much desire to see, is 
he not with you. I told him, he remained aboord, but the 
next day he would come unto him. With a merrie countenance 
he asked me for certaine peeces ^ which I promised him, when 
I went to Paspahegh. I told according to my promise, that 
I prof erred the man that went with me foure Demy Culverings,^ 

* Guns, ^A kind of small cannon. 



1608] JOHN SMITH'S TRUE RELATION 66 

in that he so desired a great Gunne : but they refused to take 
them. \^nhereat with a lowde laughter, he desired to give 
him some of lesse burden : as for the other I gave him them, 
being sure that none could carrie them. But where are these 
men you promised to come with you. I told him, without. 
Who thereupon gave order to have them brought in, two after 
two, ever maintaining the guard without. And as they pre- 
sented themselves, ever with thankes he would salute me: 
and caused each of them to have foure or five pound of bread 
given them. This done, I asked him for the come and ground 
he promised me. He told me I should have it: but he ex- 
pected to have all these men lay their armes at his feet, as did 
his subjects. I tolde him that was a ceremonie our enemies 
desired, but never our Friends, as we presented ourselves unto 
him; yet that he should not doubt of our friendship. The 
next day my Father would give him a child of his, in full 
assurance of our loves, and not only that, but when he should 
thinke it convenient, wee would deliver under his subjection 
the Country of Manacam and Pocoughtaonack his enemies. 

This so contented him, as immediatly with attentive silence, 
with a lowd oration he proclaimed me Awerowanes ^ of Pow- 
haton, and that all his subjects should so esteeme us, and no 
man account us strangers nor Paspaheghans, but Powhatans, 
and that the Corne, weomen and Country, should be to us as 
to his owne people. This proffered kindnes for many reasons 
we contemned not, but with the best Languages and signes of 
thankes I could expresse, I tooke my leave. 

The King rising from his seat, conducted me foorth, and 
caused each of my men to have as much more bread as hee 
could beare : giving me some in a basket, and as much he sent 
a board for a present to my Father. Victuals you must know 
is all there wealth, and the greatest kindnes they could shew 
us. 

Arriving at the River, the Barge was fallen so low^ with 
the ebbe, though I had given order and oft sent to prevent the 

^ A werowance, i.e., a chief. ' I.e., down the river. 



56 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1608 

same, yet the messengers deceived mee. The Skies being very 
thicke and rainie, the King understanding this mischance, 
sent his Sonne and Mamontacke, to conduct mee to a great 
house sufficient to lodge mee : where entring I saw it hung 
round with bowes and arrowes. The Indians used all diligence 
to make us fires, and give us content : the kings Orators pres- 
ently entertained us with a kinde oration, with expresse 
charge that not any should steale, or take our bowes or arrowes, 
or offer any injury. Presently after he sent me a quarter of 
Venizon to stay my stomacke : In the evening hee sent for mee 
to come onely with two shot with me. The company I gave 
order to stand upon their guard, and to maintaine two sentries 
at the ports all night. To my supper he set before me meate 
for twenty men, and seeing I could not eate, hee caused it 
to be given to my men: for this is a generall custome, that 
what they give, not to take againe, but you must either eate it, 
give it away, or carry it with you. Two or three houres we 
spent in our auncient ^ discourses ; which done, I was with a 
fire stick lighted to my lodging. 

The next day the King conducting mee to the River, 
shewed me his Canowes, and described unto me how hee sent 
them over the Baye, for tribute Beades : and also what Coun- 
tries paid him Beads, Copper, or Skins. But seeing Captaine 
Nuport, and Maister Scrivener, comming a shore, the King 
returned to his house, and I went to meete him.^ With a 
trumpet before him, wee marched to the King : who after his 
old manner kindly received him, especially a Boy of thirteen 
yeares old, called Thomas Salvage, whom he gave him as his 
Sonne. He requited this kindnes with each of us a great bas- 
ket of Beanes. And entertaining him with the former dis- 
course, we passed away that day, and agreed to bargaine the 
next day and so returned to our Pinnis. 

The next day comming a shore in like order, the King 
having kindly entertained us with a breakfast, questioned us 
in this manner : Why we came armed in that sort, seeing hee 

* Ancient. ^ Newport. 



1608] JOHN SMITH'S TRUE RELATION . 57 

was our friend, and had neither bowes nor arrowes; what 
did wee doubt ? I told him it was the custome of our Country, 
not doubting of his kindnes any waies : wherewith though hee 
seemed satisfied, yet Captaine Nuport caused all our men to 
retire to the water side, which was some thirtie score ^ from 
thence. 

But to prevent the worst, Maister Scrivener or I were either 
the one or other b}^ the Barge: experience had well taught 
me to beleeve his friendship till convenient opportunity 
suffred him to betray us. But quickly this polititian had 
perceived my absence, and cunningly sent for me ; I sent for 
Maister Scrivener to supply my place : the King would demand 
for him, I would againe releeve him. And they sought to satisfie 
our suspition with kind Language: and not being agreed to 
trade for corne, hee desired to see all our Hatchets and Copper 
together, for which he would give us corne. With that aun- 
cient tricke the Chickahamaniens had oft acquainted me: 
his offer I refused, offering first to see what hee would give 
for one piece. Hee seeming to despise the nature of a Mer- 
chant, did scorne to sell : but we freely should give him, and 
he liberally would requite us. 

Captaine Nuport would not with lesse then twelve great 
Coppers try his kindnes, which he liberally requited with as 
much corne as at Chickahamania I had for one of lesse pro- 
portion. Our Hatchets hee would also have at his owne rate : 
for which kindnes hee much seemed to affect Captaine Nuport. 
Some few bunches of blew Beades I had, which he much de- 
sired, and seeing so few, he offred me a basket of two pecks, 
and that I drew to be three pecks at the least, and yet ^ seemed 
contented and desired more. I agreed with him, the next 
day, for two bushells: for the ebbe now constrained us to 
returne to our Boate, although he earnestly desired us to stay 
dinner which was a providing ; and being ready he sent aboard 
after us, which was bread and venizon sufficient for fiftie or 
sixtie persons. 

i /.£., thirty score yards. ' After "yet" supply "he." 



68 NAKKATIVES OF IIARLY VIRGINIA [1608 

The next day hee sent his Sonne in the morning, not to bring 
a shore with us any pieces, least his weomen and children should 
feare. Captaine Nuports good belief e would have satisfied 
that request. Yet twentie or twentie five short ^ we got ashore : 
the King importuning mee to leave my armes a board, much 
misliking my sword pistol and target. I told him the men 
that slew my Brother with the like tearmes had perswaded 
me, and being unarmed shot at us, and so betraide us. 

He oft entreated Captaine Nuport that his men might 
leave their armes : which ^ still hee ^ commanded to the water 
side. This day we spent in trading for blew Beads: and 
having neare fraighted our Barge, Captaine Nuport returned 
with them that came abord, leaving me and Maister Scrivener 
a shore, to follow in Canowes. Into one I got with sixe of 
our men, which beeing lanched, a stones cast from the shore 
stuck fast in the Ose.^ Master Scrivener seeing this example, 
with seven or eight more passed the dreadfull bridge, thinking 
to have found deeper water on the other creeke: but they 
were inforced to stay, with such entertainment as a salvage.^ 
Being forced ashore with wind and raine, having in his Canow, 
as commonly they have, his house and houshold, instantly 
set up a house of mats, which succoured them from the storme. 

The Indians seeing me pestred in the Ose, called to me: 
six or seven of the Kings chiefe men threw off their skins, and 
to the middle in Ose, came to bear me out on their heads. 
Their importunacie caused me better to like the Canow^ than 
their curtesie, excusing my deniall for feare to fall into the 
Ose: desiring them to bring me some wood, fire, and mats 
to cover me, and I would content them. Each presently 
gave his helpe to satisfie my request, which paines a horse 
would scarce have indured: yet a couple of bells richly con- 
tented them. 

The Emperor sent his Seaman Mantivas in the evening 

* Shot, I.e., twenty or twenty-five men with guns were landed. 
' Whom. 

' I.e., New^jort. * Ooze. 

•After ''salvage "supply "could offer, who." 



1008] JOHN SMITHES TRUE RELATION 59 

with bread and victuall for me and my men: he no more 
scrupulous then the rest seemed to take a pride in shewing 
how Htle he regarded that miserable cold and durty passage, 
though a dogge would scarce have indured it. This kindnes 
I found; when I litle expected lesse then a mischiefe : but the 
blacke night parting our companies, ere midnight the flood 
served to carry us aboard. 

The next day we came ashore, the King * with a solemne 
discourse, causing all to depart but his principall men: and 
this was the effect. When as hee perceived that we had a desire 
to invade Monacum, against whom he was no professed enemy : 
yet thus farre he would assist us in his enterprise. First hee 
would send his spies, perfectly to understand their strength 
and ability to fight, with which he would acquaint us himself e. 
Captaine Nuport would not be seene in it himselfe, being great 
Werowances. They ^ would stay at home : but I, Maister 
Scrivener, and two of his ^ Sonnes, and Opechankanough the 
King of Pamaunke should have 100. of his men to goe before 
as though they were hunting ; they giving us notise where was 
the advantage, we should kill them: the weomen and young 
children he wished we should spare, and bring them to him. 
Only 100. or 150. of our men he held sufficient for this exploit. 
Our boats should stay at the falls, where we might hew timber, 
which we might convey, each man a piece, till we were past the 
stones; and there joyne them to passe our men by water. If 
any were shot, his men should bring them backe to our boats. 
This faire tale had almost made Captaine Nuport undertake by 
this meanes to discover the South sea : * which will not be with- 
out trecherie, if wee ground our intent upon his constancie. 

This day we spent in trading, dancing, and much mirth. 



* Spoke. ' Powhatan and Newport. ' Powhatan 's. 

* The belief was general that the South Sea lay only a short distance 
overland from Chesapeake Bay, which appears remarkable when it is re- 
called that Sir Francis Drake had many years before, in his circumnavigation 
of the globe, sailed along the western coast of North America. This im- 
pression can only be adequately explained by supposing that the knowledge 
of longitudes at that time was grossly defective. 



60 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1608 

The King of Pamaunke sent his messenger (as yet not know- 
ing Captaine Nuport) to come unto him: who had long ex- 
pected mee, desiring also my Father to visite him. The 
messenger stayed to conduct us : but Powhatan understanding 
that we had Hatchets lately come from Paspahegh, desired 
the next day to trade with us, and not to go further. This 
new tricke he cunningly put upon him, but onely to have 
what he listed, and to try whether we would go or stay. 
Opechankenoughs messenger returned,^ that wee would not 
come. The next day his ^ Daughter came to entreat me, 
shewing her Father had hurt his legge, and much sorrowed 
he could not see me. 

Captaine Nuport being not to bee perswaded to goe, in 
that Powhatan had desired us to stay : sent her away with the 
like answer. Yet the next day, upon better consideration, 
intreatie prevailed; and wee anchored at Cinquoateck, the 
first twaine ^ above the parting of the river, where dwelled 
two Kings of Pamaunke, Brothers to Powhatan ; the one called 
Opitchapam, the other Katatough. To these I went a shore, 
who kindly intreated mee and Maister Scrivener, sending some 
presents aboard to Captaine Nuport. Whilst we were trucking 
with these Kings, Opechankanough his wife, weomen, and 
children came to meete me : with a naturall kind affection hee 
seemed to re Joyce to see me. 

Captaine Nuport came a shore, with many kind discourses 
wee passed that forenoone : and after dinner, Captaine Nuport 
went about with the Pinnis to Menapacant, which is twenty 
miles by water, and not one by land.^ Opechankanough 
conducted me and Maister Scrivener by land: where having 
built a feasting house a purpose to entertaine us, with a kind 
Oration, after their manner, and his best provision, kindly 
welcomed us. That day he would not trucke, but did his best 

* After "returned" supply ''answer." 
^I.e., ''Opechancanough's." 

^ Town. Cinquoateck was situated about where West Point now is. 

* After leaving West Point, the Pamunkey River makes a great bend, 
though the distance is overestimated by Smith. 



1608] JOHN SMITH'S TRUE RELATION 61 

to delight us with content : Captaine Nuport arrived towards 
evening ; whom the King presented with sixe great platters of 
fine bread, and Pansarowmana. The next day till noone wee 
traded: the King feasted all the company; and the after- 
noone was spent in playing, dauncing, and delight. By no 
meanes hee would have us depart till, the next day, he had 
feasted us with venizon ; for which he had sent, having spent his 
first and second provision in expecting our comming: The 
next day, he performed his promise, giving more to us three, 
then would have sufficed 30. and in that we carried not away 
what we left, hee sent it after us to the Pinnis. With what 
words or signes of love he could expresse, we departed. 

Captaine Nuport in the Pinnis, leaving mee in the Barge 
to digge a rocke, where wee supposed a Mine, at Cinquaoteck : 
which done, ere midnight, I arrived at Weracomoco, where 
our Pinnis anchored, being 20. miles ^ from Cinquaotecke. 
The next day, we tooke leave of Powhatan: who, in regard 
of his kindness, gave him an Indian. He well affected to goe 
with him for England in steed of his Sonne :^ the cause, I assure 
me, was to know our strength and Countries condition : The 
next day we arrived at Kiskiack. The people so scornefully 
entertained us, as with what signes of scorne and discontent 
we could, we departed: and returned to our Fort with 250. 
bushells of Corne.^ Our president, being not wholy recovered 
of his sicknes, in discharging his Piece, brake and split his hand 
off, which he is not yet ^ well recovered. At Captaine Nuports 
arrivall,^ wee were victualled for twelve weeks: and having 
furnished him of what hee thought good, hee set saile for Eng- 
land the tenth of April. Master Scrivener and my selfe, with 
our shallop, accompanied him to Cape Hendrick : ^ Powhatan 
having for a farrewell, sent him five or sixe mens loadings, 
with Turkeys for [the] swords which hee sent him. In our 
return to the fort, we discovered the river of Nausamd, ^ a proud 

^ About fourteen miles. 

' I.e., Thomas Savage, whom Newport gave to Powhatan, calling him his 
son. 3 March 9, 1608. " June 2, 1608. 

5 At Jamestown, March 9, 1608. « Henry ' Nansemond. 



62 KAFwIiATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [16U8 

warlike Nation, as well we may testifie, at our first arrivall at 
Chesiapiack: but that injury Captaine Nuport well revenged 
at his returne. Where some of them intising him to their 
Ambuscadoes by a daunce, hee perceiving their intent, with 
a volly of musket shot, slew one, and shot one or two more, 
as themselves confesse. 

The King at our arivall sent for me to come unto him. 
I sent him word what commodities I had to exchange for 
wheat, ^ and if he would, as had the rest of his Neighbours, 
conclude a Peace, we were contented. At last he came downe 
before the Boate which rid at anchor some fortie yards from 
the shore. He signified to me to come a shore, and sent a 
Canow with f oure or five of his men : two whereof I desired to 
come aboard and to stay, and I would send two to talke with 
their King a shore. To this hee agreed. The King wee pre- 
sented with a piece of Copper, which he kindly excepted,^ and 
sent for victualls to entertaine the messengers. Maister 
Scrivener and my selfe also, after that, went a shore. The 
King kindly feasted us, requesting us to stay to trade till the 
next day. Which having done, we returned to the Fort. 

This river ^ is a musket shot broad, each side being should^ 
bayes ; a narrow channel, but three fadom : ^ his course for 
eighteene miles, almost directly South, and by West where 
beginneth the first inhabitants : for a mile it tumeth directly 
East; towards the West, a great bay, and a white chaukie 
Hand convenient for a Fort: his next course South, where 
within a quarter of a mile, the river divideth in two, the neck 
a plaine high Corne field, the wester bought ® a highe plaine 
likewise, the Northeast answerable in all respects. In these 
plaines are planted aboundance of houses and people; they 
may containe 1000. Acres of most excellent fertill ground: 
so sweete, so pleasant, so beautifull, and so strong a prospect, 

* Indian corn. ^ Accepted. 

' The Nansemond River opens into the south side of Hampton Roads and 
is navigable for vessels of 100 tons as far as Suffolk, about twenty milef 
from the mouth. WilHam Wallace Tooker states the meaning of the word 
to be " a good fishing place." * Shoal. ' Deep ° Bend. 



1608] JOHN SMITH'S TRUE KELATION 65 

for an invincible strong City, with so many commodities, 
that I know as yet I have not seene. This is within one daies 
journey of Chawwonocke, the river falleth into the Kings* 
river, within twelve miles of Cape-hendicke.^ 

At our Fort, the tooles we had, were so ordinarily stolen 
by the Indians, as necessity inforced us to correct their braving 
theeverie : for he that stole to day, durst come againe the next 
day. One amongst the rest, having stolen two swords, I got 
the Counsels consent to set in the bilboes.^ The next day, 
with three more, he came, with their woodden swordes, in the 
midst of our men to steale. Their custome is to take any 
thing they can ceaze off : onely the people of Pamaunke wee 
have not found stealing, but what others can steale, their 
King receiveth. I bad them depart, but flourishing their 
swords, they seemed to defend what they could catch but out 
of our hands : his pride urged me to turne him from amongst 
us, whereat he offred to strike me with his sword; which I 
prevented, striking him first. The rest off ring to revenge 
the blow, received such an incounter, and fled. The better 
to affright them, I pursued them with five or sixe shot, and so 
chased them out of the Hand.'* 

The beginner of this broyle, litle expecting by his carriage, 
we durst have resisted, having, even till that present, not beene 
contradicted, especially them of Paspahegh: these Indians 
within one houre, having by other Salvages then in the Fort, 
understood that I threatened to be revenged, came presently 
of themselves, and fell to working upon our wears which were 
then in hand by other Salvages: who seeing their pride so 
incountred, were so submissive, and willing to doe any thing 
as might be. And with trembling feare desired to be friends, 
within three daies after. From Nawsamond, which is 30. 
miles from us, the King sent us a Hatchet which they had 
stoUen from us at our being there : the messenger, as is the 
custome, also wee well rewarded and contented. 

* I.e., Powhatan's river. ^ Cape Henry. 

' The stocks. * Or rather the peninsula on which Jamestown stood. 



64 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA Li«Ob 

The twenty of Aprill, being at worke, in hewing downe 
Trees, and setting Corne, an alarum caused us with all speede 
to take our armes, each expecting a new assault of the Salvages : 
but understanding it a Boate under saile, our doubts were 
presently satisfied with the happy sight of Maister Nelson, 
his many perrills of extreame stormes and tempests/ his ship 
well as his company could testifie, his care in sparing our 
provision was well : but the pro\ddence ^ thereof, as also of our 
stones, Hatchets and other tooles (onely ours excepted) 
which of all the rest was most necessary : w^hich might inforce 
us to thinke either a seditious traitor to our action, or a most 
unconscionable deceiver of our treasurs. 

This happy arrivall of Maister Nelson in the Phenix, having 
beenethen about three monethes missing after Cap taineNuports 
arrivall, being to all our expectations lost : albeit that now at 
the last, having beene long crossed with tempestuous weather 
and contrary winds, his so unexpected comming did so ravish 
us with exceeding joy, that now we thought our selves as well 
fitted as our harts could wish, both with a competent number 
of men, as also for all other needfull provisions, till a further 
supply should come unto us.^ Whereupon the first thing that 
was concluded was that my selfe and Maister Scrivener, should 
with 70. men goe with the best meanes we could provide, 
to discover beyond the Falls, as in our judgements con- 
veniently we might. Six or seaven dales we spent only in 
trayning our men to march, fight, and scirmish in the woods. 
Their wiUing minds to this action so quickned their under- 
standing in this exercise as, in all judgements, wee were better 
able to fight with Powhatans whole force, in our order of battle 
amongst the Trees (for Thicks there is few) ^ then the Fort 

' Passed. ' The providing. 

^ The Phoenix set out with Newport as a part of the First Supply, but 
was separated from him by winds, which delayed her arrival three months. 

■* The frequent fires made by the Indians in hunting had cleared away 
the underbrush in Virginia so that it is said a coach with four horses could 
be driven through the thickest group of trees. Behind the stockade at 
Jamestown, however, there was a branch of a swamp which was covered 
with high grasses, affording a secure hiding-place to the stealthy savages. 



1608] JOHN SMITH'S TRUE RELATION 65 

was to repulse 400. at the first assault, with some tenne or 
twenty shot not knowing what to doe, nor how to use a Piece. 

Our warrant being sealed, Maister Nelson refused to assiste 
us with the voluntary Marriners and himself, as he promised, 
unlesse we would stand bound to pay the hire for shippe and 
Marriners, for the time they stayed. And further there was 
some controversie, through the diversitie of Contrary opinions : 
some alleadging that how profitable, and to what good purpose 
soever our journey should portend, yet our commission com- 
manding no certaine designe, we should be taxed for the most 
indiscreete men in the world, besides the wrong we should doe 
to Captaine Nuport, to whom only all discoveries did belong, 
and to no other : 

The meanes for guides, besides the uncertaine ^ courses 
of the river from which we could not erre much, each night 
would fortifie us in two houres better then that they first 
called the Fort. Their Townes upon the river each within 
one dayes journey of other, besides our ordinary provision, 
might well be supposed to adde reliefe : for truck and deahng 
only, but in love and peace, as with the rest. If they assalted 
us, their Townes they cannot defend, nor their luggage so 
convey that we should not share: but admit the worst, 16. 
dales provision we had of Cheese Oatmeale and bisket ; besides 
our randevous we could, and might, have hid in the ground. 
With sixe men, Captaine Martin would have undertaken it ^ 
himselfe, leaving the rest to defend the Fort and plant our 
Corne. Yet no reason could be reason to proceede forward, 
though we were going aboard to set saile. These discontents 
caused so many doubts to some, and discouragement to others, 
as our journey ended. Yet some of us procured petitions to 
set us forward, only with hope of our owne confusions. 

Our next course was to turne husbandmen, to fell Trees 
and set Corne. Fiftie of our men we imployed in this service ; 
the rest kept the Fort, to doe the command of the president 

^ Smith refers to the necks of land made by the windings of the river, 
which were easily defended. 
"^ I.e., the expedition. 



66 NARKATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1608 

and Captaine Martin. 30. dayes ^ the ship ^ lay expecting 
the triall of certain mattei^ which for some cause I keepe 
private.^ 

The next exploit was an Indian having stolen an Axe, was 
so pursued by Maister Scrivener and them next him, as he 
threw it downe : and flying, drew^ his bow at any that durst 
incounter him. Within foure or five dayes after, Maister 
Scrivener and I, being a Utle from the Fort, among the Corne, 
two Indians, each with a cudgell, and all newly painted with 
Terrasigillata, came circling about me as though they would 
have clubed me Hke a hare. I knew their faining love is 
towards me not without a deadly hatred : but to prevent the 
worst, I calling maister Scrivener retired to the Fort. The 
Indians seeing me suspect them, with good tearmes, asked me 
for some of their men whom they would beate ; and went with 
me into our Fort. Finding one that lay ordinarily with us, 
only for a spie; they offered to beat him. I in perswading 
them to forbeare, they offered to beginne with me ; being now 
foure : for two other arrayed in Hke manner, came in on the 
other side the Fort. Whereupon I caused to shut the Ports,* 
and apprehend them. The president and Counsell, being 
presently acquainted, remembring at the first assault, they 
came in Hke manner, and never else but against ^ some villanie, 
concluded to commit them to prison, and expect the event. 
Eight more we ceazed ^ at that present. An houre after came 
three or foure other strangers extraordinarily fitted with 
arrowes, skinnes, and shooting gloves : their jealousie and feare 
bewrayed their bad intent, as also their suspitious departure. 

^ I.e., from May 4 to June 2, 1608. ' I.e., the Phoenix. 

' There was a quarrel between Smith and Martin as to the character of 
the return cargo. Martin wished to fill the ship with an ore resembling gold, 
but Smith, who favored a cargo of cedar, finally prevailed. Martin returned 
in the ship. There is a broad hint in this paragraph that matters merely 
of a personal nature were to be suppressed for fear of further dissensions. 

* The fort, which was triangular in shape, had three gates in the centre 
of each side. It enclosed a little more than an acre of land, and was de- 
fended by palisades made of large poles about eight feet high and stuck 
three or four feet into the ground. * I.e., for. ^ Seized. 



1608] JOHN SMITH'S TRUE RELATION 67 

The next day, came first an Indian, then another, as Em- 
bassadors for their men. They desired to speake with me. 
Our discourse was, that what Spades, Shovells, swords, or 
tooles they had stolne to bring home : if not, the next day, 
they should hang. The next newes was, they had taken two 
of our men ranging in the woods (which mischiefe ^ no punish- 
ment will prevent but hanging) : and these they would, should 
redeeme ^ their owne 16. or 18. ; thus braving us to our doores. 

We desired the president, and Captaine Martin, that after- 
noone to sally upon them, that they might but know w^hat we 
durst do : and at night, mand our Barge, and burnt their 
Townes, and spoiled and destroyed what we could. But they 
brought our men, and freely delivered them. The president 
released one. The rest we brought well guarded, to Morning 
and Evening prayers. Our men all in armes, their trembhng 
feare then caused them to[o] much sorrow, which till then 
scoffed and scorned at what we durst doe. The Counsell con- 
cluded, that I should terrifie them with some torture, to know 
if I could know their intent. The next day, I bound one in 
hold to the maine Mast : ^ and presenting sixe Muskets with 
match in the cockes, forced him to desire life. To answere my 
demaunds he could not : but one of his Comovodos ^ was of the 
counsell of Paspahegh, that could satisfie me: I releasing 
him out of sight, I affrighted the other, first with the rack, 
then with Muskets ; which seeing, he desired me to stay, and 
hee would confesse. To this execution Maister Scrivener 
came, his discourse was to this effect. That Paspehegh, the 
Chickahamaniar, Youghtanum, Pamaunka, Mattapanient, and 
Kiskiack : these Nations were al together a hunting that tooke 
me. Paspahegh and Chicahamanya had entended to surprise 
us at worke, to have had our tools. Powhatan and al his 
would seeme friends, till Captaine Nuports returne, that he 
had againe his man, which he called Namontack : where, with 



* I.e., ranging. ' I.e., they held them as ransoms for their own men. 
' I.e., of the Phoenix. 

* Perhaps a misprint for cainaradas, Spanish for " comrades." 



68 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1608 

a great feast, hee would so enamor Captain Nuport and his 
men, as they should ceaze on him. And the Uke traps would 
be laied for the rest. 

This trap for our tooles we suspected. The chiefe occasion 
was [that] foure dales before, Powhatan had sent the boy ^ he 
had to us, with many Turkies to Maister Scrivener and me: 
understanding I would go up unto his Countries to destroy 
them ; and he doubted ^ it the more, in that I so ofte prac- 
tised my men, whose shooting he heard to his owne lodging, 
that much feared his wives and children. We sent him word, 
we entended no such thing, but only to goe to Powhatan, to 
seeke stones to make Hatchets; except his men shot at us, 
as Paspahegh had told us they would : which if they did shoote 
but one arrowe, we would destroy them. And, least this 
mischiefe might happen, sent the boy ^ to acquaint him thus 
much ; and request him to send us Weanock, one of his subjects 
for a guide. 

The boy he returned backe with his Chest and apparell, 
Vv^hich then we had given him : desiring another for him. The 
cause was, he was practising with the Chikahamanias, as the 
boy suspected some villanie, by their extraordinary resort and 
secret conference, from whence they would send him. The 
boy we keepe. Now we would send him many messengers 
and presents, the guide we desired he sent us: and withall 
requested us to returne him, either the boy or some other. 
But none he could have. And that day these Indians were 
apprehended, his sonne with others that had loaded at our 
Fort, returned, and being out of the Fort, rayled on me, to 
divers of our men, to be enemies to him, and to theChikamanias. 
Not long after, Weanock that had bin with us for our guide, 
whom wee kept to have conducted us in another journy, with 
a false excuse returned: and secretly after him, Amocis the 
Paspaheyan, who alwaies they kept amongst us for a spie, 
whom, the better to avoide suspition, presently after they came 
to beate away : These presumptions induced me to take any 

- Thomas Savage. ^ Suspected. ^ Thomas Savage. 



1608] JOHN SMITH'S TRUE RELATION 69 

occasion, not onely to try the honesty of Amocis the spie, but 
also the meaning of these cunning trickes of their Emperour 
of Powhatan ; whose true meaning Captaine Martin most con- 
fidently pleaded. 

The confession of Macanoe, which was the counseller of 
Paspahegh, first I, then Maister Scrivener, upon their severall 
examinations, found by them all confirmed, that Paspahegh 
and Chickahammania did hate us, and intended some mischief e : 
and who they were that tooke me, the names of them that 
stole our tooles and swords, and that Powhatan received them 
they all agreed. Certaine volHes of shot we caused to be dis- 
charged, which caused each other to think that their fellowes 
had beene slaine. 

Powhatan understanding we detained certaine Salvages, 
sent his Daughter, a child of tenne yeares old : which, not only 
for feature, countenance, and proportion, much exceedeth any 
of the rest of his people: but for wit and spirit, the only 
Nonpariel of his Country.^ This hee sent by his most trustie 
messenger, called Rawhunt, as much exceeding in deformitie 
of person; but of a subtill wit and crafty understanding. 
He, with a long circumstance, told mee, how well Powhatan 
loved and respected mee ; and in that I should not doubt any 
way of his kindnesse, he had sent his child, which he most 
esteemed, to see me ; a Deare and bread besides, for a present : 
desiring me that the Boy ^ m^ight come againe, which he loved 
exceedingly. His litle Daughter hee had taught this lesson 
also, not taking notice at all of the Indeans that had beene 
prisoners three dales, till that morning that she saw their 
fathers and friends come quietly, and in good tearmes to en- 
treat e their libertie. 

Opechankanough sent also unto us, that for his sake, we 
would release two that were his friends : and for a token, sent 
me his shooting Glove and Bracer/ which* the day our men 

^ Smith was mistaken as to the age of Pocahontas, as she was about 
thirteen years old at this time. ' Thomas Savage. 

^ A bracer was a covering to the arm protecting it from the vibrations of 
the string of the bow. * After "which" supply '*he used." 



70 NAKPvATlVES OF EARLY VlRGmiA [I60b 

was taken upon, separating himself e from the rest a long time/ 
intreated to speake with me, where in token of peace, he had 
preferred me the same. Now all of them having found their 
peremptorie conditions but to increase our malice ; which they 
seeing us begin to threaten to destroy them, as famiharly as 
before, without suspition or feare, came amongst us, to begge 
libertie for their men. In the afternoone, they being gone, 
we guarded them as before to the Church ; and after prayer, 
gave them to Pocahuntas, the Kings Daughter, in regard of 
her fathers kindnesse in sending her. After having well fed 
them, as all the time of their imprisonment, we gave them their 
bowes, arrowes, or what else they had ; and with ^ much content, 
sent them packing. Pocahuntas also we requited with such 
trifles as contented her, to tel that we had used the Paspaheyans 
very kindly in so releasing them. 

The next day, we had suspition of some other practise 
for an Ambuscado; but perfectly wee could not discover it. 
Two daies after, a Paspaheyan came to shew us a glistering 
Minerall stone, and with signes demonstrating it to be in great 
aboundance hke unto Rockes : with some dozen more, I was 
sent to seeke to digge some quantitie, and the Indean to con- 
duct me. But suspecting this some trick to delude us, for to 
get some Copper of us ; or with some ambuscado to betray us, 
seeing him falter in his tale, being two miles on our way, led^ 
him ashore : where abusing us from place to place, and so seek- 
ing either to have drawne us with liim into the woods, or to 
have given us the shppe, I shewed him Copper, which I prom- 
ised to have given him, if he had performed his promise. But 
for his scoffing and abusing us, I gave him twentie lashes with 
a Rope; and his bowes and arrow^es, bidding him shoote if 
he durst: and so let him goe. 

In all this time, our men being all or the most part well 
recovered, and we not wilhng to trifle away more time then 
necessitie enforced us unto : we thought good, for the better 

* After "time" supply "the messenger." 

' With their much content. ' Before "led " supply " we." 



1608J JOHK SMITH'S TliUE RELATION 71 

content of the adventurers, in some reasonable sort to fraight 
home Maister Nelson, with Cedar wood. About which, our 
men going with wilHng minds, was ^ in very good time effected, 
and the ship sent for England. Wee now remaining being in 
good health, all our men wel contented, free from mutinies,^ 
in love one with another, and as we hope in a continuall peace 
with the Indians : where we doubt not but by Gods gracious 
assistance, and the adventurers wiUing minds and speedie 
furtherance to so honorable an action, in after times to see our 
Nation to enjoy a Countiy, not onely exceeding pleasant for 
habitation, but also very profitable for comerce in generall; 
no doubt pleasing to almightie God, honourable to our gracious 
Soveraigne, and commodious generally to the whole Kingdome. 

* Before "was" supply "it." 

^ Of the original council Wingfield and Archer left the colony with New- 
port in the John and Francis; Martin in the Phoenix. Gosnold had died in 
the first summer and Kendall was shot. President Ratcliffe and Smith were 
the only two remaining, though Matthew Scrivener, who arrived in the First 
Supply, shared the authority with them. The condition of peace described 
by Smith did not long prevail. 



i 



DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA AND 
PROCEEDINGS OF THE COLONIE 
BY CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH, i6ig 



INTRODUCTION 

The first part of this work is evidently an expanded and 
revised text of that ^'Mappe of the Bay and Rivers, with an 
annexed Relation of the countries and Nations that inhabit 
them/' which President John Smith sent home about Novem- 
ber, 1608, to the council in London, as the result of his explora- 
tions in Chesapeake Bay in the previous summer. Smith 
doubtless furnished the manuscript to Dr. WiUiam Simmonds, 
who revised it, and it was pubhshed at the expense of T. Abbay, 
who went with Smith to Virginia. It is a remarkably faithful 
account of the topography of Virginia, and of the Indian in- 
habitants. The second part was the result of the combined 
pens of at least six gentlemen and soldiers, who were friends 
of Smith. It was compiled and added to by Richard Pots, 
one of the expedition, tested and revised by WilUam Simmonds, 
D. D., and published by T. Abbay. Whenever prejudice has 
no occasion to exist, the narrative may be accepted as correct 
and faithful ; but the acts and motives of \Yingfield, Archer, 
and the leading men not of Smith's party, receive but scant 
justice or consideration. Men were good haters in Smith's 
day, and there was no such thing as moderation of expression 
when an enemy was aimed at. 

This work was printed at Oxford, in 1612, and it is some- 
times called the Oxford tract, but it is rather a book than a 
tract. In 1625 an abridgment of the first part was published 
in Samuel Purchas, His Pilgrimes, Vol. II. In 1884 it was in- 
cluded by Edward Arber in his collection of John Smith's 

Works. 

L. a T. 

76 



A MAP OF VIRGINIA: 

With a Description of the Countrey, the Commodities, People, Gov- 
ernment and Religion. Written by Captaine Smith, sometimes 
Governour of the Countrey, 
W hereunto is annexed the proceedings of those Colonies, since their 
first departure from Englarid, with the discourses, Orations, and 
relations of the Salvages, and the accidents that befell them in all 
their Journies and discoveries. Taken faithfully as they ivere 
written out of the writings of 

Doctor Russell, Richard Wiefin, 

Tho. Studley, Will. Phettiplace, 

Anas Todkill, Nathaniel Powell, 

Jeffra Abot, Richo.rd Pots, 

And the relations of divers other diligent observers there present 
then, and now many of them in Erigland. By W. S, 

At Oxford, Printed by Joseph Barnes. 1612.^ 

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE S^ EDWARD SEMER 
KNIGHT, BARON BEAUCHAMP, AND EARLE OF 
HARTFORD, 

Lieutenant to his most excellent Majestie, in the Counties 
OF Somerset and Wiltshire, my Honourable good Lord 
and Maister.^ 

My Ho7iourable Lord : 

If Vertue be the soiile of true Nobilitie as wise men say, then 
blessed is your Lordship, that is every way noble, as well in vertue, 

' This itahc heading is copied from the title page of the original. The map 
impHed in the title and published in the pamphlet is printed in Purchas's 
Pilgrimes and other volumes. It exists in eight different stages of develop- 
ment. "W.S." is Dr. William Simmonds. 

* This dedication, for a copy of which we are indebted to Mr. Victor H. 
Paltsits of the Lenox Library, apparently occurs only in a copy of Smith's 
Map of Virgi7iia possessed by that library, a copy bound in vellum, with 
the arms of Lord Hertford on both sides, in gold. The dedication has 
never before been reprinted. Its inconsistency with the language of that 
which follows, '' To the Hand," found in most copies, is obvious. 

76 



1612] SMITH'S DESCKIPTION OF VIRGINIA 77 

as birth, and riches. Though riches now, be the chiefest greatnes 
of the great : when great and httle are born, and dye, there is no 
difference : Virtue onely makes men more then men : Vice, worse 
then brutes. And those are distinguished by deedes, not words; 
though both be good, deedes are best, and of all evils, ingratitude 
the worst. Therefore I beseech you, that not to seeme ungratefull, 
I may present your Honour with this rude discourse, of a new old 
subject. It is the best gift I can give to the best friend I have. 
It is the best service I ever did to serve so good a worke : Wherin 
having beene discouraged for doing any more, I have writ this 
little: yet my hands hath been my lands this fifteene yeares in 
Europ, Asia, Afric, or America. 

In the harbour of your Lo : * favour, I hope I ever shall rest 
secure, notwithstanding all weathers; lamenting others, that they 
fall into such miseries, as I foreseeing have foretold, but could not 
prevent. No more : but dedicating my best abilities to the honour 
and service of your renowned Vertues, I ever rest 

Your Lordships true and f aithf ull Servant, 

John Smith. 



TO THE HAND 

Least I should wrong any in dedicating this Booke to one : 
I have concluded it shal be particular to none. I found it only 
dedicated to a Hand, and to that hand I addresse it. Now 
for that this businesse is common to the world, this booke 
may best satisfie the world, because it was penned in the Land 
it treateth of. If it bee disliked of men, then I would recommend 
it to women, for being dearely bought, and farre sought, it 
should be good for Ladies. When all men rejected Christopher 
CoUumbus, that ever reno\vned Queene Izabell of Spaine, 
could pawne her Jewels to supply his wants; whom all the 
wise men (as they thought themselves) of that age contemned. 
I need not say what was his worthinesse, her noblenesse, and 
their ignorance, that so scornefully did spit at his wants, seeing 

* Lordship 'e 



78 



NARKATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA 



[1612 



the whole world is enriched with his golden fortunes. Cannot 
this successful! example move the incredulous of this time to 
consider, to conceave, and apprehend Virginia, which might 
be, or breed us a second India ? hath not England an Izabell, 
as well as Spaine, nor yet a Collumbus as well as Genua ? yes 
surely it hath, whose desires are no lesse then was worthy 
Collumbus, their certainties more, their experiences no way 
wanting, only there wants but an Izabell, so it were not 

from Spaine. 

T.A. 



Because many doe desire to knowe the maner of their 
language, I have inserted these few words. 



Ka ka torawincs yowo. What 

call you this. 
Nemarough. a man. 
Crenepo. a woman. 
Maroivanchesso. a boy. 
Yehawkans. Houses. 
Matchcores} Skins, or garments. 
Mockasins. Shooes. 
Tussan. Beds. 
Pokatawer. Fire. 
Attawp. A bo we. 
Attonce. Arrowes. 
Monacookes. Swords. 
Aumoughhowgh. A Target. 
Pawcussacks. Gunnes. 
Tomahacks. Axes. 
Tockahacks. Pickaxes. 
Pamesacks. Knives. 
Accowprets. Sheares. 



Pawpecones. Pipes. 

Maitassin. Copper. 

Ussawassin, Iron, Brasse, Sil- 
ver, or any white metal. 

Musses. Woods. 

Attasskuss. Leaves, weeds, or 
grasse. 

Chepsin. Land. 

Shacquohocan. A stone. 

Wepenter. a cookold. 

Suckahanna. Water. 

Noughmass. Fish. 

Copotone. Sturgion. 

Weghshaughes. Flesh. 

Sawwehone. Bloud. 

Netoppew. Friends. 

Marrapough. Enimies. 

Maskapow. The worst of the 
enimies. 



^This word, by Volksetymologie, the white men made into "match- 
coats." 



1612] SMITH'S DESCRIPTION OF VIB-GINIA 79 

Mawchick chammay. The best of friends. 
Casacunnakack, peya quagh acquintan iittasantasough. 

In how many dales will there come hether any more 

English ships ? 

Their numbers. 

Necut. 1. Comotinch, 6. 

Ningh. 2. Toppawoss. 7. 

Nuss. 3. Nusswash, 8. 

Yowgh. 4. Kekatawgh. 9. 

Paranske. 5. Kaskeke. [10.] 

They comit no more but by tennes as followeth. 

Case, how many. Keskoivghes. Sunnes. 

Ninghsapooeksku. 20. Toppquough. Nights. 

Nussapooeksku. 30. Nepawweshoivghs. Moones. 

Yowghapooeksku. 40. Pawpaxsoughes. Yeares. 

Parankestassapooeksku. 50. Pummahumps. Starres. 

Comatinchtassapooekskii. 60. Osies. Heavens. 

Toppawousstassapooeksku. 70. Okes. Gods. 

Nussswashtassapooeksku. 80. Quiyoughcosucks. Pettie Gods, 

Kekataughtassapooeksku. 90. and their affinities. 

Necuttoughtysinough. 100. Righcomoughes. Deaths. 

Necuttweunquaough. 1000. Kekughes. Lives. 
Rawcosowghs. Daies. 

Mowchick ivoyawgh taivgh noeragh kaqiiere mecher. I am verie 

hungrie ? what shall I eate ? 
Tamnor Jiehiegh Powhatan, where dwels Powwhatan. 
Mache, nehiegh yoiirovjgh, orapaks. Now he dwels a great way 

hence at orapaks. 
Uttapitchewayne anpechitchs nehawper weroivacomoco. You lie, 

he staide ever at werowocomoco. 
Kator nehiegh mattagh neer uttapitchewayne. Truely he is there 

I do not lie. 
Spaughtynere keragh werowance ruawmarinough kekaten vxxwgh 



80 NAREATTVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1612 

peyaquaugh. Run you then to the king mawmarynough 

and bid him come hither. 
Utteke, e peya weyack wighwhip. Get you gone, and come 

againe quickly. 
Kekaten pokahontas patiaquagh niugh tanks manotyens neer 

mowchick rawrenock audowgh. Bid Pokahontas bring hither 

two little Baskets, and I wil give her white beads to make 

her a chaine. 

THE DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA BY CAPTAINE 

SMITH 

Virginia is a Country in America, that lyeth betweene 
the degrees of 34 and 44^ of the north latitude. The bounds 
thereof on the East side are the great Ocean. On the South 
lyeth Florida : on the North nova Francia. As for the West 
thereof, the Hmits are unknowne. Of all this country wee 
purpose not to speake, but only of that part which was planted 
by the Enghsh men in the yeare of our Lord, 1606.^ And 
this is under the degrees 37. 38. and 39. The temperature 
of this countrie doth agree well with English constitutions 
being once seasoned ^ to the country. Which appeared by this, 
that though by many occasions our people fell sicke ; 3^et did 
they recover by very small meanes and continued in health, 
though there were other great causes, not only to have made 
them sicke, but even to end their dales, etc. 

The sommer is hot as in Spaine ; the winter colde as in 
Fraunce or England. The heat of sommer is in June, Juhe, and 

^ In the charter granted April 10, 1606, Virginia is defined to be the 
country between 34 and 45 degrees north latitude. 

2 The ships left London, December 20, 1606. 

^ " Seasoned" was a term current in Virginia for one hundred years later. 
All who came soon fell sick of the malaria of the rivers and creeks, and such 
as survived were called "seasoned" inhabitants. The mortality of these 
early days fell especially upon the servants exposed in the tobacco fields, 
of whom four out of five perished during the first year after their arrival, and 
this continued to be the case down to Sir William Berkeley's day. The 
openingof the fields, and the use of Peruvian bark, introduced much healthier 
conditions. 



\ 



1612] SMITH'S DESCKIPTION OF VIRGINIA 81 

August, but commonly the coole Breeses asswage the vehemencie 
of the heat. The chief e of winter is halfe December, January, 
February, and halfe March. The colde is extreame sharpe, but 
here the proverbe is true that no extreame long continueth. 

In the yeare 1607. was an extraordinary frost in most of 
Europe, and this frost was founde as extreame in Virginia. 
But the next yeare for 8. or 10. dales of ill weather, other 14 
dales would be as Sommer. 

The windes here are variable, but the hke thunder and 
lightning to purifie the aire, I have seldome either seene or 
heard in Europe. From the Southwest came the greatest 
gustes with thunder and heat. The Northwest winde is com- 
monly coole, and bringeth faire weather with it. From the 
Northe is the greatest cold, and from the East and South-East 
as from the Barmadas, fogs and raines. 

Some times there are great droughts, other times much 
raine, yet great necessity of neither, by reason we see not but 
that all the variety of needfuU fruits in Europe may be there 
in great plenty by the industry of men, as appeareth by those 
we there planted. 

There is but one entraunce by sea into this country, and 
that is at the mouth of a very goodly Bay, the widenesse whereof 
is neare 18. or 20. miles. The cape on the South side is called 
Cape Henry ^ in honour of our most noble Prince. The shew 
of the land there, is a white hilly sand like unto the Downes, 
and along the shores great plentie of Pines and Firres. 

The north Cape is called Cape Charles in honour of the 
worthy Duke of Yorke.^ Within is a country that may have 
the prerogative over the most pleasant places of Europe, Asia, 
Africa, or America, for large and pleasant navigable rivers: 
heaven and earth never agreed better to frame a place for mans 
habitation being of our constitutions, were it full}^ manured 
and inhabited by industrious people. Here are mountaines. 



* Henry, eldest son of James I., was born in 1594. He was a promising 
and amiable youth, but died in 1612 in the eighteenth year of his age. 
^ Prince Charles, afterwards King Charles I. 



82 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1612 

hils, plaines, valleyes, rivers and brookes all running most 
pleasantly into a faire Bay compassed but for the mouth with 
fruitfull and dehghtsome land. In the Bay and rivers are 
many Isles both great and small, some woody, some plaine, 
most of them low and not inhabited. This Bay heth North 
and South in which the water floweth neare 200 miles and hath 
a channell for 140 miles, of depth betwixt 7 and 15 fadome, 
holding in breadth for the most part 10 or 14 miles. From 
the head of the Bay at the north, the land is mountanous, and 
so in a manner from thence by a Southwest hne ; So that the 
more Southward, the farther of[f] from the Bay are those 
mounetaines. From which, fall certaine brookes, which after 
come to five principall navigable rivers. These run from the 
Northwest into the South east, and so into the west side of 
the Bay, where the fall of every River is within 20 or 15 miles 
one of an other. 

The mountaines are of diverse natures, for at the head 
of the Bay the rockes are of a composition like miln-stones. 
Some of marble, &c. And many peeces of christall we found | 
as throwne downe by water from the mountaines. For in 
winter these mountaines are covered with much snow, and when 
it dissolveth the waters fall with such violence, that it causeth 
great inundations in the narrow valleyes which yet is scarce 
perceived being once in the rivers. These waters wash from 
the rocks such glistering tinctures that the ground in some 
places seemeth as guilded, where both the rocks and the earth are ^ 
so splendent to behold, that better judgements then ours might 
have beene perswaded, they contained more then probabilities.' 
The vesture of the earth in most places doeth manifestly prove | 
the nature of the soile to be lusty and very rich. The coulor 
of the earth we found in diverse places, resembleth bole Ar- 
maniac, terra sigillata ad lemnia, Fullers earth, marie, and 
divers other such appearances. But generally for the most 
part the earth is a black sandy mould, in some places a fat 
slimy clay, in other places a very barren gravell. But the best 

* The "glistening tinctures" were, however, only particles of mica. 



1612] SMITH'S DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA 83 

ground is knowne by the vesture it beareth, as by the greatnesse 
of trees or abundance of weedes, &c. 

The country is not mountanous nor yet low but such pleas- 
ant plaine hils and f ertle valleyes, one prettily crossing an other ^ 
and watered so conveniently with their sweete brookes and 
christall springs, as if art it selfe had devised them. By the 
rivers are many plaine marishes containing some 20, some 
100, some 200 Acres, some more, some lesse. Other plaines 
there are fewe, but only where the Savages inhabit: but all 
overgrowne with trees and weedes being a plaine wildernes 
as God first made it. 

On the west side of the Bay, wee said were 5. faire and de- 
lightfull navigable rivers, of which wee will nowe proceed to 
report. The first of those rivers and the next to the mouth of 
the Bay, hath his course from the West and by North. The 
name of this river they call Powhatan accor[ding] to the name 
of a principall country that Heth upon it. The mouth of this 
river is neere three miles in breadth, yet doe the shoules force 
the Channell so neere the land that a Sacre^ will overshoot 
it at point blanck. This river is navigable 100 miles, the 
shouldes and soundings are here needlesse to bee expressed. 
It falleth from Rockes farre west in a country inhabited by 
a nation that they call Monacan. But where it commeth 
into our discoverie it is Powhatan. In the farthest place 
that was dihgently observed, are falles, rockes, showles, &c., 
which makes it past navigation any higher. Thence in the 
running downeward, the river is enriched with many goodly 
brookes, which are maintained by an infinit number of small 
rundles and pleasant springs that disperse themselves for best 
service, as doe the vaines of a mans body. From the South 
there fals into this river, First the pleasant river of Apamatuck : 
next more to the East are the two rivers of Quiyoughcohanocke.^ 
A Uttle farther is a Bay wherein falleth 3 or 4 prettie brookes 
and creekesthat halfe intrench the Inhabitants of Warraskoyac ; 

* A sacre, more often saker, was a small piece of artillery. 
^ Upper and Lower Chippokes Creeks in Prince George and Surry 
counties. 



84 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1612 

then the river of Nandsamund, and lastly the brooke of Chisa- 
peack/ From the North side is the river of Chickahamania, 
the backe river ^ of James Towne; another by the Cedar Isle 
where we lived 10 weekes upon oisters, then a convenient har- 
bom' for fisher boats or smal boats at Kecoughtan, that so 
conveniently turneth it selfe into Bayes and Creeks that make 
that place very pleasant to inhabit, their corne-fields being 
girded therein in a manner as Peninsulaes. The most of these 
rivers are inhabited by severall nations, or rather families, j 
of the name of the rivers. They have also in every of those 
places some Governour, as their king, which they call Wero- 1 
wances. In a Peninsula on the North side of this river are the 
English planted in a place by them called James Towne, in 
honour of the Kings most excellent Majestic : upon which side 
are also many places under the Werowances. 

The first and next the rivers mouth, are the Kecoughtans, 
who besides their women and children, have not past 20. 
fighting men. The Paspaheghes, on whose land is seated the 
English Colony, some 40. miles from the Bay, have not passed 
40. The river called Chickahamania neere 200. The Wea- 
nocks 100. The Arrowhatocks 30. The place called Pow- 
hatan, some 40. On the South side this river, the Appama- 
tucks have 60 fighting men. The Quiyougcohanocks, 25. 
The Warraskoyacks 40. The Nandsamunds 200. The Chesa- 
peacks are able to make 100. Of this last place the Bay bear- 
eth the name. In all these places is a severall commander, 
which they call Werowance, except the Chickhamanians, who 
are governed by the Priestes and their Assistants of their El- 
ders called Caw-cawwassoughes.^ In somer no place affordeth 
more plentie of Sturgeon, nor in winter more abundance of 

^ Elizabeth River, on which Norfolk and Portsmouth are now situated. 

^ Powhatan Creek came out of the woods at the head of Jamestown Penin- 
sula, where, hindered from entering the main river by the neck of land 
connecting the peninsula with the mainland, it made a detour on the north 
of the island till it flowed into the river at the east end. That part of the 
creek bounding the island was called the ''Back River." 

^ Kakdrusu, " he speaks repeatedly.'' The white men often transmuted 
the word into cockarouse. 



1^12] SMITH'S DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA 85 

fowle, especially in the time of frost. There was once taken 
52 Sturgeons at a draught, at another draught 68. From the 
later end of May till the end of June are taken few, but yong 
Sturgeons of 2 foot or a yard long. From thence till the midst 
of September, them of 2 or three yards long and fewe others. 
And in 4 or 5 houres with one nette were ordinarily taken 7 
or 8 : often more, seldome lesse. In the small rivers all the 
yeare there is good plentie of small fish, so that with hookes 
those that would take paines had sufficient. 

Fourteene miles Northward from the river Powhatan, 
is the river Pamaunke, which is navigable 60 or 70 myles, 
but with Catches and small Barkes 30 or 40 myles farther. 
At the ordinary flowing of the salt water, it divideth it selfe 
into two gallant branches.^ On the South side inhabit the 
people of Youghtanund, who have about 60 men for warres. 
On the North branch Mattapament, who have 30 men. Where 
this river is divided, the Country is called Pamaunke, and 
nourisheth neere 300 able men. About 25 miles ^ lower on 
the North side of this river is Werawocomoco, where their 
great King inhabited when Captain Smith was dehvered 
him prisoner; yet there are not past 40 able men. But now 
he hath abandoned that, and hveth at Orapakes ^ by Yough- 
tanund in the wildernesse. 10 or 12 myles lower, on the 
South side of this river is Chiskiack, which hath some 40 or 
50 men. These, as also Apamatuck, Irrohatock, and Pow- 
hatan, are their great kings chief e alhance and inhabitance. 
The rest (as they report) his Conquests. 

Before we come to the third river that falleth from the 
mountaines, there is another river (some 30 myles navigable) 
that commeth from the Inland: the river is called Payan- 
katanke, the Inhabitants are about some 40 serviceable men. 

^ Youghtamund (now called Pamunkey) and Mattapanient (Mattapony). 

* This is a mistake. Werowocomoco was about fourteen miles from 
West Point. In the True Relation, Smith represents the distance from th«» 
parting of the river at West Point as twenty miles. 

' Orapakes is believed to have been situated in White Oak Swamp. The 
word was a combination of oro, ''solitary," and jpaks (peaks), "& little 
water place." 



S6 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1612 

The third navigable river is called Toppahanock.* (This 
is navigable some 130 myles.) At the top of it inhabit the 
people called Mannahoackes amongst the mountaines, but 
the}^ are above the place we describe. 

Upon this river on the North side are seated a people 
called Cuttatawomen, with 30 fighting men. Higher on the 
river are the Moraughtacunds, with 80 able men. Beyond 
them Toppahanock with 100 men. Far above is another 
Cuttatawomen with 20 men. On the South, far within the 
river is Nautaughtacund having 150 men. This river also, 
as the two former, is replenished with fish and foule. 

The fourth river is called Patawomeke and is 6 or 7 miles 
in breadth. It is navigable 140 miles, and fed as the rest 
with many sweet rivers and springs, which fall from the bor- 
dering hils. These hils many of them are planted, and yeelde 
no lesse plenty and variety of fruit then the river exceedeth 
with abundance of fish. This river is inhabited on both sides. 
First on the South side at the very entrance is Wighcocomoco 
and hath some 130 men : beyond them Sekacawone ^ with 30. 
The Onawmanient with 100. Then Patawomeke with 160 
able men. Here doth the river divide it selfe into 3 or 4 con- 
venient rivers; The greatest of the least is called Quiyough^ 
[and] treadeth^ north west, but the river it selfe turneth North 
east and is stil a navigable streame. On the westerne side of 
this bought is Tauxenent with 40 men. On the north of this 
river is Secowocomoco with 40 men. Some what further 
Potapaco with 20. In the East part of the bought of the river 
is Pamacacack with 60 men. After, Moyowances with 100. 
And lastly, Nacotchtanke with 80 able men. The river 10 miles 
above this place maketh his passage downe a low pleasant vally 

^ Rappahannock. 

^ Otherwise Chicacoan. A river in Northumberland County is still 
known as Coan. 

^ Quia or Aquia Creek. As the charter for Maryland, in 1632, declared that 
the southern boundary of Maryland should begin at the westernmost fountain 
of the Potomac River, Lord Baltimore first claimed this creek as his southern 
boundary, believing it to go farther westward, — a claim which, if acquiesced 
in, would have much curtailed the limits of Maryland. * Trendeth. 



1612] SMITH'S DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA 87 

overshaddowed in inanie places with high rocky mountaines; 
from whence distill innumerable sweet and pleasant springs. 

The fifth river is called Pawtuxunt, and is of a lesse pro- 
portion then the rest ; but the channell is 16 or 18 f ado me deepe 
in some places. Here are infinit skuls of divers kinds of fish 
more than elsewhere. Upon this river dwell the people called 
Acquintanacksuak, Pawtuxunt and Mattapanient. 200 men 
was the greatest strength that could bee there perceived. But 
they inhabit togither, and not so dispersed as the rest. These 
of al other were found the most civill to give intertainement. 

Tliirty leagues Northward is a river not inhabited, yet 
navigable ; for the red earth or cla}^ resembling bole Armoniack, 
the English called it Bolus. ^ At the end of the Bay where it is 
6 or 7 miles in breadth, there fall into it 4 small rivers, 3 of them 
issuing from diverse bogges invironed with high mountaines.^ 
There is one that commeth du north, 3 or 4. dales journy 
from the head of the Bav, and fals from rocks and mountaines. 
Upon this river inhabit a people called Sasquesahanock. They 
are seated 2 dales higher then w^as passage for the discoverers 
Barge, which was hardly 2 toons, and had in it but 12 men 
to perform this discovery, wherein they lay above the space 
of 12 weekes upon those great waters in those unknowne 
Countries, ha\dng nothing but a little meale or oatmeale and 
water to feed them ; and scarse halfe sufficient of that for halfe 
that time, but that by the Savages and by the plentie of fish 
they found in all places, they made themselves provision as 
opportunitie served ; yet had they not a marriner or any that 
had skill to trim their sayles, use their oares, or any businesse 
belonging to the Barge, but 2 or 3. The rest being Gentlemen 
or as ignorant in such toyle and labour : yet necessitie in a short 
time, by their Captaines diligence and example, taught them 
to become so perfect, that what they did by such small meanes, 
I leave to the censure of the Reader to judge by this discourse 
and the annexed Map. But to proceed, 60 of those Sasque- 
sahanocks came to the discoverers with skins, Bowes, Arrowes, 

^ Now Gunpowder River. ^ Hills, rather. 



88 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1612 

Targets, Beads, Swords, and Tobacco pipes for presents. 
Such great and well proportioned men, are seldome seene, for 
they seemed Hke Giants to the EngHsh, yea and to the neigh- 
bom's : yet seemed of an honest and simple disposition, with 
much adoe restrained from adoring the discoverers as Gods. 
Those are the most strange people of all those Countries, both 
'.n language and attire ; for their language it may well beseeme 
their proportions, sounding from them, as it were a great voice 
in a vault, or cave, as an Eccho. Their attire is the skinnes 
of Beares and Woolves, some have Cassacks made of Beares 
heades and skinnes that a mans necke goes through the skinnes 
neck, and the eares of the beare fastned to his shoulders be- 
hind, the nose and teeth hanging downe his breast, and at the 
end of the nose hung a Beares Pa we : the halfe sleeves com- 
ming to the elbowes were the neckes of Beares and the armes 
through the mouth, with pawes hanging at their noses. 
One had the head of a Woolf e hanging in a chaine for a Jewell ; 
his Tobacco pipe 3 quarters of a yard long, prettily carved 
with a Bird, a Beare, a Deare, or some such devise at the great 
end, sufficient to beat out the braines of a man : with bowes, 
and arrowes, and clubs, sutable to their greatnesse and con- 
ditions. These are scarse knowne to Powhatan. They can 
make neere 600 able and mighty men, and are pallisadoed in 
their Townes to defend them from the Massawomekes ^ their 
mortall enimies. 5 of their chief e Werowances came aboard 
the discoverers, and crossed the Bay in their Barge. The 
picture of the greatest of them is signified in the Mappe. The 
calfe of whose leg was 3 quarters of a yard about : and all 
the rest of his limbes so answerable to that proportion, that he 
seemed the goodliest man that ever we beheld. His haire, 
the one side was long, the other shore close with a ridge over 
his crown like a cocks combe. His arrowes were five quarters^ 
long, headed with flints or sphnters of stones, in forme Hke a 
heart, an inch broad, and an inch and a halfe or more long. 
These hee wore in a woolves skinne at his backe for his quiver, 

^ The Five Nations. ^ After "quarters'' supply "of a yard." 



1612] SMITH'S DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA 89 

his bow in the one hand and his clubbe in the other, as is 
described. 

On the East side the Bay is the river of Tockwhogh/ and 
upon it a people that can make 100 men, seated some 7 miles 
within the river : where they have a Fort very wel pallisadoed 
and mantelled with the barke of trees. Next to them is Ozinies 
with 60 men. More to the South of that East side of the Bay, 
the river of Rapahanock; neere unto which is the river of 
Kuskarawaock, upon which is seated a people with 200 men. 
After that is the river of Tants Wighcocomoco, and on it a 
people with 100 men. The people of those rivers are of little 
stature, of another language from the rest, and very rude. But 
they on the river of Acohanock with 40 men, and they of Acco- 
mack 80 men, doth equalize any of the Territories of Powhatan 
and speake his language ; who over all those doth rule as king. 

Southward they went to some parts of Chawonock and the 
Mangoags, to search ^ them there left by Sir Walter Raleigh ; 
for those parts to the Towne of Chisapeack, hath formerly 
been discovered by Mr Heriots and Sir Raph Layne. 

Amongst those people are thus many severall nations of 
sundry languages, that environ Powhatans Territories. The 
Chawonokes, the Mangoags, the Monacans, the Mannahokes, 
the Masawomekes, the Powhatans, the Sasquesahanocks, 
the Atquanachukes, the Tockwoghes, and the Kuscarawaokes. 
Al those not anyone understandeth another but by Interpreters. 
Their severall habitations are more plainly described by this 
annexed Mappe, which will present to the eie, the way of the 
mountaines and current of the rivers, with their severall turn- 
ings, bays, shoules. Isles, Inlets, and creekes, the breadth 
of the waters, the distances of places and such like. In which 
Mappe observe this, that as far as you see the little Crosses on 
rivers, mountaines, or other places, have beene discovered; 
the rest was had by information of the Savages, and are set 
downe according to their instructions. 

* The village marked the extreme northern extension of Powhatan's 
power. 

2 "Search for." 



90 KARKATIVES OF EARLY VIEGmiA [161^ 



Of such things which are naturall in Virginia and how they 

use them, 

Virginia doth afford many excellent vegitables and living 
Creatures, yet grasse there is little or none but what groweth 
in lowe Marishes: for all the Countrey is overgrowne with 
trees, whose droppings continually turneth their grasse to 
weedes, by reason of the rancknesse of the ground; which 
would soone be amended by good husbandry. The wood 
that is most common is Oke and AValnut : many of their Okes 
are so tall and straight, that they will beare two foote and a 
halfe square of good timber for 20 yards long. Of this wood 
there is 2 or 3 severall kinds. The Acornes of one kind, whose 
barke is more white then the other, is somewhat sweetish; 
which being boyled halfe a day in severall waters, at last afford 
a sweete oyle, which they keep in goards to amioint their 
heads and joints. The fruit they eate, made in bread or other- 
wise. There is also some Elme, some black walnut tree, and 
some Ash: of Ash and Elme they make sope Ashes. If the 
trees be very great, the ashes will be good, and melt to hard 
lumps : but if they be small, it will be but powder, and not so 
good as the other. Of walnuts there is 2 or 3 kindes : there is a 
kinde of wood we called Cypres, because both the wood, the 
fruit, and leafe did most resemble it ; and of those trees there 
are some neere 3 fadome about at the root, very straight, and 
50, 60, or 80 foot without a braunch. By the dwelling of the 
Savages are some great Mulbery trees; and in some parts of 
the Countrey, they are found growing naturally in prettie 
groves. There was an assay made to make silke, and surely 
the wormes prospered excellent well, till the master worke- 
man fell sicke: during which time, they were eaten with 
rats. 

In some parts, were found some Chesnuts whose wild 
fruit equalize the best in France, Spaine, Germany, or Italy, 
to their tasts that had tasted them all. Plumbs there are 
of 3 sorts. The red and white are like our hedge plumbs; 



I6i2j SMITH'S l>J:!;iSUKil:'HOJN Of VlKCiiJSiA 91 

but the other, which they call Putchamins,^ grow as high as a 
Palmeta. The fruit is like a medler; it is first greene, then 
yellow, and red when it is ripe : if it be not ripe it will drawe 
a mans mouth awrie with much torment ; but when it is ripe, 
it is as delicious as an Apricock. 

They have Cherries, and those are much like a Damsen ; but 
for their tastes and colour, we called them Cherries. We see 
some few Crabs, but very small and bitter. Of vines, great 
abundance in many parts, that climbe the toppes of the highest 
trees in some places, but these beare but fewe grapes. But 
by the rivers and Savage habitations where they are not over- 
shadowed from the sunne, they are covered with fruit, though 
never pruined nor manured. Of those hedge grapes, wee made 
neere 20 gallons of wine, which was neare as good as your 
French Brittish wine, but certainely they would prove good 
were they well manured. There is another sort of grape neere 
as great as a Cherry, this they call Messaminnes ; they bee fatte, 
and the juyce thicke : neither doth the tast so well please when 
they are made in wine. They have a small fruit growing on 
little trees, husked hke a Chesnut, but the fruit most like a 
very small acorne. This they call Chechinquamins,^ which 
they esteeme a great daintie. They have a berry much like 
our gooseberry, in greatnesse, colour, and tast ; those they call 
Rawcomenes, and doe eat them raw or boyled. Of these 
naturall fruits they live a great part of the yeare, which they 
use in this manner. The walnuts, Chesnuts, Acornes, and 
Chechinquamens are dryed to keepe. When they need them, 
they breake them betweene two stones, yet some part of the 
walnut shels will cleave to the fruit. Then doe they dry 
them againe upon a mat over a hurdle. After, they put it into 
a morter of wood, and beat it very small: that done, they 
mix it with water, that the shels may sinke to the bottome. 
This water will be coloured as milke; which they cal Paw- 
cohiscora, and keepe it for their use. The fruit like medlers, 
they call Putchamins, they cast uppon hurdles on a mat, and 

' Persimmons. ' Chinquapins. 



92 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1612 

preserve them as Pruines. Of their Chesnuts and Chechin- 
quamens boyled 4 houres, they make both broath and bread 
for their chief e men, or at their greatest feasts. Besides those 
fruit trees, there is a white populer, and another tree Hke unto 
it, that yeeldeth a very cleere and an odoriferous Gumme hke 
Turpentine, which some called Balsom. There are also Cedars 
and Saxafras trees. They also yeeld gummes in a small pro- 
portion of themselves. Wee tryed conclusions to extract it out 
of the wood, but nature afforded more then our arts. 

In the watry valleyes groweth a berry, which they call 
Ocoughtanamnis, very much like unto Capers. These they 
dry in sommer. When they will eat them, they boile them 
neare halfe a day; for otherwise they differ not much from 
poyson. Mattoume groweth as our bents do in meddows. 
The seede is not much unlike to rie, though much smaller. 
This they use for a dainty bread buttered with deare suet. 

During Somer there are either strawberries which ripen 
in April; or mulberries which ripen in May and June, Ras- 
pises, hurtes, or a fruit that the Inhabitants call Maracocks, 
which is a pleasant wholsome fruit much like a lemond. Many 
hearbes in the spring time there are commonly dispersed 
throughout the woods, good for brothes and sallets, as Violets, 
Purslin, Sorrell, &c. Besides many we used whose names we 
know not. 

The chief e roote they have for foode is called Tockawhoughe} 
It groweth like a flagge in low muddy freshes. In one day a 
Savage will gather sufficient for a weeke. These rootes are 
much of the greatnes and taste of Potatoes. They use to cover 
a great many of them with oke leaves and feme, and then cover 
all with earth in the manner of a colepit ; over it, on each side, 
they continue a great fire 24 houres before they dare eat it. 
Raw it is no better then poison, and being roasted, except it 
be tender and the heat abated, or sliced and dried in the sun, 
mixed with sorrell and meale or such like, it will prickle and 

• Tuckahoe. This name was also given to a kind of fungus found at the 
roots of certain trees. 



1612] SMITH'S DESCRIPTIOK OF VIRGINIA 93 

torment the throat extreamely, and yet in sommer they use 
this ordinarily for bread. 

They have an other roote which they call wighsacan: as 
thother feedeth the body, so this cureth their hurts and diseases. 
It is a small root which they bruise and apply to the wound. 
Pocones is a small roote that groweth in the mountaines, which 
being dryed and beate in powder turneth red : and this they use 
for swellings, aches, annointing their joints, painting their heads 
and garments. They account it very pretious and of much 
worth. Musquaspenne ^ is a roote of the bignesse of a finger, 
and as red as bloud. In drying, it will wither almost to nothing. 
This they use to paint their Mattes, Targets, and such like. 

There is also Pellitory of Spaine, Sasafrage,^ and divers other 
simples, which the Apothecaries gathered, and commended 
to be good and medicinable. 

In the low Marshes, growe plots of Onyons containing an 
acre of ground or more in many places; but they are small, 
not past the bignesse of the Toppe of ones Thumbe. 

Of beastes the chief are Deare, nothing differing from ours. 
In the deserts towards the heads of the rivers, ther are many, 
but amongst the rivers few. There is a beast they call Arough- 
cun,^ much like a badger, but useth to live on trees as Squir- 
rels doe. Their Squirrels some are neare as greate as our small- 
est sort of wilde rabbits ; some blackish or blacke and white, 
but the most are gray. 

A small beast they have, they call Assapanick, but we 
call them flying squirrels, because spreading their legs, and so 
stretching the largenesse of their skins that they have bin 
scene to fly 30 or 40 yards. An Opassom hath an head like 
a Swine, and a taile like a Rat, and is of the bignes of a Cat. 
Under her belly shee hath a bagge, w^ierein shee lodge th, 
carrieth, and sucketh her young. Mussascus * is a beast of the 
forme and nature of our water Rats, but many of them smell 
exceeding strongly of muske. Their Hares no bigger then our 
Conies, and few of them to be found. 

^ Bloodroot. 2 Sassafras. 'Raccoon. ^Muskrat. 



94 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1612 

Their Beares are very little in comparison of those of 
Muscovia and Tartaria. The Beaver is as bigge as an ordinary- 
water dogge, but his legges exceeding short. His fore feete 
like a dogs, his hinder feet like a Swans. His taile somewhat 
like the forme of a Racket bare without haire ; which to eate, 
the Savages esteeme a great delicate. They have many Otters, 
which, as the Beavers, they take with snares, and esteeme the 
skinnes great ornaments; and of all those beasts they use to 
feede, when they catch them. 

There is also a beast the}" call Vetchunquoyes in the forme of 

a wilde Cat. Their Foxes are hke our silver haired Conies, 

of a small proportion, and not smelling like those in England. 

Their Dogges of that country are like their Wolves, and cannot 

^-barke but howle; and their wolves not much bigger then our 

\j( English Foxes>' Martins, Powlecats, weessels and Minkes we 

^ know they have, because we have seen many of their skinnes, 

though very seldome any of them alive. But one thing is 

strange, that we could never perceive their vermine destroy 

our hennes, egges, nor chickens, nor do any hurt: nor their 

flyes nor serpents anie waie pernitious ; where ^ in the South 

parts of America, they are alwaies dangerous and often 

deadly. 

Of birds, the Eagle is the greatest devourer. Hawkes 
there be of diverse sorts as our Falconers called them, Sparow- 
hawkes, Lanarets, Goshawkes, Falcons and Osperayes; but 
they all pray most upon fish. Pattridges there are little bigger 
then our Quailes, wilde Turkies are as bigge as our tame. There 
are woosels or blackbirds with red shoulders, thrushes, and 
diverse sorts of small birds, some red, some blew, scarce so 
bigge as a wrenne, but few in Sommer. In winter there are 
great plenty of Swans, Craynes gray and white with blacke 
wings, Herons, Geese, Brants, Ducke, Wigeon, Dotterell, 
Oxeies, Parrats, and Pigeons. Of all those sorts great abun- 
dance, and some other strange kinds, to us unknowne by name. 
But in sonmier not any, or a very few to be seene. 

* Whereas. 



1612J SMITH'S DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA 95 

Of fish we were best acquainted with Sturgeon, Grampus, 
Porpus, Seales, Stingraies whose tailes are very dangerous, 
Brettes, mullets, white Salmonds, Trowts, Soles, Plaice, Her- 
rings, Conyfish, Rockfish, Eeles, Lampreyes, Catfish, Shades, 
Pearch of 3 sorts. Crabs, Shrimps, Crevises, Oysters, Codes, 
and Muscles. But the most strange fish is a smal one so like 
the picture of S. George his Dragon, as possible can be, except 
his legs and wings: and the Todefish which will swell till it 
be like to brust, when it commeth into the aire. 

Concerning the entrailes of the earth little can be saide 
for certainty. There wanted good Refiners: for these that 
tooke upon them to have skill this way, tooke up the washings 
from the mounetaines and some moskered shining stones and 
spangles which the waters brought down; flattering them- 
selves in their own vaine conceits to have been supposed that 
they were not, by the meanes of that ore, if it proved as their 
arts and judgements expected. Only this is certaine, that 
many regions lying in the same latitude, afford mines very rich 
of diverse natures. The crust also of these rockes would 
easily perswade a man to beleeve there are other mines then 
yron and Steele, if there were but meanes and men of expe- 
rience that knew the mine from spare. 

Of their Planted fruits in Virginia and how they use them. 

They divide the yeare into 5. seasons. Their winter 
some call Popanow, the spring Cattapeuk, the sommer Cohatta- 
yough, the earing of their Come Nepinough, the harvest and 
fall of leafe Taquitock. From September imtill the midst of 
November are the chief e Feasts and sacrifice. Then have 
they plenty of fruits as well planted as naturall, as corne greene 
and ripe, fish, fowle, and wild beastes exceeding fat. 

The greatest labour they take, is in planting their corne, 
for the country naturally is overgrowne with wood. To pre- 
pare the ground they bruise the barke of the trees neare the 
roote, then do they scortch the roots with fire that they grow 
no more. The next yeare with a crooked peece of wood, they 



96 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1612 

beat up the woodes by the rootes ; and in that ^ moulds, they 
plant their corne. Their manner is this. They make a hole 
in the earth with a sticke, and into it they put 4 graines of 
wheat and 2 of beanes. These holes they make 4 foote one 
from another. Their women and children do continually 
keepe it with weeding, and when it is growne midle high, they 
hill it about like a hop-yard. 

In Aprill they begin to plant, but their chiefe plantation 
is in May, and so they continue till the midst of June. Whsit 
they plant in Aprill they reape in August, for May in Septem- 
ber, for June in October. Every stalke of their corne com- 
monly beareth two eares, some 3, seldome any 4, many but one, 
and some none. Every eare ordinarily hath betwixt 200 and 
500 graines. The stalke being green hath a sweet juice in 
it, somewhat like a suger Cane, which is the cause that when 
they gather their corne greene, they sucke the stalkes: for 
as wee gather greene pease, so doe they their corne being 
greene, which excelleth their old. They plant also pease they 
cal Assentameiis, which are the same they cal in Italye, Fagioli. 
Their Beanes are the same the Turkes call Garnanses, but these 
they much esteeme for dainties. 

Their corne they rost in the eare greene, and bruising it 
in a morter with a Polt,^ lappe it in rowles in the leaves of their 
corne, and so boyle it for a daintie. They also reserve that 
corne late planted that will not ripe, by roasting it in hot 
ashes, the heat thereof drying it. In winter they esteeme it 
being boyled with beans for a rare dish, they call Pausarow- 
viena. Their old wheat ^ they first steep a night in hot water, 
in the morning pounding it in a morter. They use a small 
basket for their Temmes,'* then pound againe the great, and 
so separating by dashing their hand in the basket, receave 
the flower ^ in a platter made of wood scraped to that forme 
with burning and shels. Tempering this flower with water, 
they make it either in cakes, covering them with ashes till 
they bee baked, and then washing them in faire water, they 

1 Those. 2 Thump 'Corn. ^ Hulls. * The meal. 



iei2j SMITH'S DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA 97 

drie presently with their owne heat: or else boyle them in 
water eating the broth with the bread which they call Ponap,^ 
The grouts and peeces of the cornes remaining, by fanning 
in a Platter or in the wind away the branne, they boile 3 or 
4 houres with water; which is an ordinary food they call 
Ustatahamen. But some more thrifty then cleanly, doe burne 
the core of the eare to powder which they call Pungnough, 
mingling that in their meale ; but it never tasted well in bread, 
nor broth. Their fish and flesh they boyle either very tenderly, 
or broyle it so long on hurdles over the fire ; or else, after the 
Spanish fashion, putting it on a spit, they turne first the one 
side, then the other, til it be as drie as their jerkin beefe in 
the west Indies, that they may keepe it a month or more 
without putrifying. The broth of fish or flesh they eate as 
commonly as the meat. 

In May also amongst their corne, they plant Pumpeons, 
and a fruit like unto a muske millen, but lesse and worse; 
which they call Macocks. These increase exceedingly, and 
ripen in the beginning of July, and continue until September. 
They plant also Maracocks a wild fruit like a lemmon, which 
also increase infinitely: they begin to ripe in September and 
continue till the end of October. When all their fruits be 
gathered, httle els they plant, and this is done by their women 
and children; neither doth this long suffice them: for neere 
3 parts of the yeare, they only observe times and seasons, and 
( live of what the Country naturally affordeth from hand to 
mouth, &c. 

The commodities in Virginia or that inay he had by industrie. 

The mildnesse of the aire, the fertilitie of the soile, and the 
situation of the rivers are so propitious to the nature and use 
of man as no place is more convenient for pleasure, profit, and 
mans sustenance. Under that latitude or chmat, here will 
Hve any beasts, as horses, goats, sheep, asses, hens, &c. as 

* A misprint or mistake for ponak, plural of pon, whence our word "pone." 



/ 



H 



98 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1612 

appeared by them that were carried thither. The waters, 
Isles, and shoales, are full of safe narbours for ships of wane 
or marchandize, for boats of all snrtes, for transportation Oi 
fisliing, &c. The Bay and rivers iiave much marchandable 
fish and places fit for Salt coats, building of ships, making of 
iron, &c. 

Muscovia and Polonia doe yearely receave many thou- 
sands, for pitch, tarre, sope ashes, Uosen, Flax, Cordage, 
Sturgeon, masts, yards, wainscot, Firres, glasse, and such 
hke; also Swethland' for iron and ropper. France in Hke 
manner, for Wine, Canvas, and Salt, Spaine asmuch for Iron, 
Steele, Figges, Reasons, and Sackes. Italy with Silkes and 
Velvets, consumes our chiefe commodities. Holand main- 
taines it selfe by fishing and trading at our owne doores. All 
these temporize with other for necessities, but all as uncertaine 
as peace or warres: besides the charge, travell, and danger 
in transporting them, by seas, lands, stormes, and Pyrats. 
Then how much hath Virginia the prerogative of all those 
florishing kingdomes for the benefit of our land, whenas within 
one hundred miles all those are to bee had, either ready pro- 
vided by nature, or else to bee prepared, were there but in- 
dustrious men to labour. Only of Copper wee may doubt is 
wanting, but there is good probabilitie that both copper and 
better munerals are there to be had for their labor. Other 
Countries have it. So then here is a place a nurse for souldiers, 
a practise for marriners, a trade for marchants, a reward for 
the good, and that which is most of all, a businesse (most 
acceptable to God) to bring such poore infidels to the true 
knowledge of God and his holy Gospell. 

Of the naturall Inhabitants of Virginia, 

The land is not populous, for the men be fewe ; their far 
greater number is of women and children. Within 60 miles 
of James Towne there are about some 5000 people, but of able 
men fit for their warres scarse 1500. To nourish so many 

* Sweden. 



1612] SMITH'S DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA 99 

together they have yet no means, because they make so smal 
a benefit of their land, be it never so fertill. 6 or 700 have beene 
the most [that] hath beene seene together, when they gathered 
themselves to have surprised Captaine Smyth at Pamaunke, 
having but 15 to withstand the worst of their furie. As small 
as the proportion of ground that hath yet beene discovered, 
is in comparison of that yet unknowne. The people differ 
very much in stature, especially in language, as before is ex- 
pressed. Some being very great as the Sesquesahamocks, 
others very httle as the Wighcocomocoes : but generally tall 
and straight, of a comely proportion, and of a colour browne, 
when they are of any age, but they are borne white. Their 
haire is generally black ; but few have any beards. The men 
weare halfe their heads shaven, the other halfe long. For 
Barbers they use their women, who with 2 shels will grate 
away the haire, of any fashion they please. The women are 
cut in many fashions agreeable to their yeares, but ever some 
part remaineth long. They are very strong, of an able body 
and full of agihtie, able to endure to he in the woods under a 
tree by the fire, in the worst of winter, or in the weedes and 
grasse, in Ambuscado in the Sommer. They are inconstant 
in everie thing, but what feare constraineth them to keepe. 
Craftie, timerous, quicke of apprehension and very ingenuous. 
Some are of disposition fearefull, some bold, most cautelous, 
all Savage. Generally covetous of copper, beads, and such hke 
trash. They are soone moved to anger, and so mahtious, that 
they seldome forget an injury : they seldome steale one from 
another, least their conjurors should reveale it, and so they 
be pursued and punished. That they are thus feared is cer- 
taine, but that any can reveale their offences by conjuration 
I am doubtfull. Their women are carefull not to bee suspected 
of dishonesty without the leave of their husbands. Each 
houshold knoweth their owne lands and gardens, and most 
live of their owne labours. For their apparell, they are some 
time covered with the skinnes of wilde beasts, which in winter 
are dressed with the haire, but in sommer without. The better 
sort use large mantels of deare skins not much differing in 



100 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1612 

fashion from the Irish mantels. Some imbrodered with white 
beads, some with copper, other painted after their manner. 
But the common sort have scarce to cover their nakednesse 
but with grasse, the leaves of trees, or such like. We have 
seen some use mantels made of Turky feathers, so prettily 
wrought and woven with threeds that nothing could bee dis- 
cerned but the feathers, that was exceeding warme and very 
handsome. But the women are alwaies covered about their 
midles with a skin and very shamefast to be scene bare. They 
adorne themselves most with copper beads and paintings. 
Their women some have their legs, hands, brests and face 
cunningly imbrodered with diverse workes, as beasts, ser- 
pentes, artificially wrought into their flesh with blacke spots. 
In each eare commonly they have 3 great holes, whereat they 
hange chaines, bracelets, or copper. Some of their men weare 
in those holes, a smal greene and yellow coloured snake, neare 
halfe a yard in length, which crawhng and lapping her selfe 
about his necke often times familiarly would kiss his Ups. 
Others wear a dead Rat tied by the tail. Some on their 
heads weare the wing of a bird or some large feather, with a 
Rattell. Those Rattels are somewhat like the chape of a 
Rapier but lesse, which they take from the taile of a snake. 
Many have the whole skinne of a hawke or some strange fowle, 
stuffed with the wings abroad. Others a broad peece of copper, 
and some the hand of their enemy dryed. Their heads and 
shoulders are painted red with the roote Pocone braied to pow- 
der mixed with oyle ; this they hold in somer to preserve them 
from the heate, and in winter from the cold. Many other 
formes of paintings they use, but he is the most gallant that is 
the most monstrous to behould. 

Their buildings and habitations are for the most part by 
the rivers or not farre distant from some fresh spring. Their 
houses are built like our Arbors of small young springs ^ bowed 
and tyed, and so close covered with mats or the barkes of trees 
very handsomely, that notwithstanding either winde raine 

* Sprigs. 



1612] SMITH'S DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA 101 

or weather, they are as warme as stooves, but very smoaky, 
yet at the toppe of the house there is a hole made for the 
smoake to goe into right over the fire. 

Against the fire they He on Httle hurdles of Reedes covered 
with a mat, borne from the ground a foote and more by a 
hurdle of wood. On these round about the house, they lie 
heads and points one by thother against the fire : some cov- 
ered with mats, some with skins, and some starke naked he 
on the ground, from 6 to 20 in a house. Their houses are in 
the midst of their fields or gardens; which are smal plots of 
ground, some 20,^ some 40, some 100. some 200. some more, 
some lesse. Some times from 2 to 100 of these houses togither, 
or but a Httle separated by groves of trees. Neare their habi- 
tations is Httle small wood, or old trees on the ground, by reason 
of their burning of them for fire. So that a man may gallop 
a horse amongst these woods any waie, but where the creekes 
or Rivers shall hinder. 

Men women and children have their severall names accord- 
ing to the severall humor of their Parents. Their women 
(they say) are easiHe delivered of childe, yet doe they love 
children verie dearly. To make them hardy, in the coldest 
mornings they wash them in the rivers, and by painting and 
ointments so tanne their skins, that after year or two, no 
weather will hurt them. 

The men bestowe their times in fishing, hunting, wars, and 
such manHke exercises, scorning to be scene in any woman 
Hke exercise, which is the cause that the women be verie paine- 
full and the men often idle. The women and children do the 
rest of the worke. They make mats, baskets, pots, morters, 
pound their corne, make their bread, prepare their victuals, 
plant their corne, gather their corne, beare al kind of burdens, 
and such Hke. 

Their fire they kindle presently by chafing a dry pointed 
sticke in a hole of a little square peece of wood, that firing 
it selfe, will so fire mosse, leaves, or anie such like drie thing 

^ Twenty acres. 



102 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1612 

that will quickly burne. In March and Aprill they live much 
upon their fishing weares, and feed on fish, Turkies and squir- 
rels. In May and June they plant their fieldes, and live most 
of Acornes, walnuts, and fish. But to mend their diet, some 
disperse themselves in small companies, and five upon fish, 
beasts, crabs, oysters, land Torteyses, strawberries, mulberries, 
and such like. In June, Julie, and August, they feed upon the 
rootes of Tocknough, berries, fish, and greene wheat. It is 
strange to see how their bodies alter with their diet ; even as 
the deare and wild beastes, they seeme fat and leane, strong 
and weak. Powhatan their great king and some others that 
are provident, rost their fish and flesh upon hurdles as before 
is expressed, and keepe it till scarce times. 

For fishing and hunting and warres they use much their 
bow and arrowes. They bring their bowes to the forme of 
ours by the scraping of a shell. Their arrowes are made, 
some of straight young sprigs, which they head with bone some 
2 or 3 inches long. These they use to shoot at squirrels on 
trees. An other sort of arrowes they use, made of reeds. 
These are peeced with wood, headed with spUnters of christall 
or some sharpe stone, the spurres of a Turkey, or the bill of 
some bird. For his knife, he hath the spUnter of a reed to 
cut his feathers in forme. With this knife also, he will joint 
a Deare or any beast, shape his shooes, buskins, mantels, &c. 
To make the noch of his arrow hee hath the tooth of a Bever 
set in a sticke, wherewith he grateth it by degrees. His 
arrow head he quickly maketh with a little bone, which he 
ever weareth at his bracer, of any splint of a stone, or glasse 
in the forme of a hart, and these they glew to the end of their 
arrowes. With the sinewes of Deare, and the tops of Deares 
homes boiled to a jelly, they make a glew that will not dissolve 
in cold water. 

For their wars also they use Targets that are round and 
made of the barkes of trees, and a sw^orde of wood at their 
backs, but oftentimes they use for swords the home of a Deare 
put through a peece of wood in forme of a Pickaxe. Some, a 
long stone sharpened at both ends used in the same manner. 



1612] SMITH'S DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA 103 

This they were wont to use also for hatchets, but now by 
trucking they have plenty of the same forme, of yron. And 
those are their chief e instruments and armes. 

Their fishing is much in Boats. These they make of one 
tree by bowing ^ and scratching away the coles with stone 
and shels till they have made it in forme of a Trough. Some 
of them are an elne deepe, and 40 or 50 foot in length, and some 
will beare 40 men, but the most ordinary are smaller, and 
will beare 10, 20, or 30. according to their bignes. Insteed 
of oares, they use paddles and sticks, with which they will 
row faster then our Barges. Betwixt their hands and thighes, 
their women use to spin the barks of trees, deare sinews, or a 
kind of grasse they call Pemmenaw; of these they make a 
thred very even and readily. This thred serveth for many 
uses, as about their housing, apparell, as also they make nets 
for fishing, for the quantity as formally braded as ours. They 
make also with it lines for angles. Their hookes are either a 
bone grated, as they nock their arrow^s, in the forme of a crooked 
pinne or fishhook or of the splinter of a bone tied to the clift 
of a litle stick, and with the ende of the Une, they tie on the 
bate. They use also long arrowes tyed in a line wherewith 
they shoote at fish in the rivers. But they of Accawmack use 
staves like unto Javelins headed with bone. With these thev 
dart fish swimming in the water. They have also many ar- 
tificiall weares in which they get abundance of fish. 

In their hunting and fishing they take extreame paines; 
yet it being their ordinary exercise from their infancy, they 
esteeme it a pleasure and are very proud to be expert therein. 
And by their continuall ranging, and travel, they know all 
the advantages and places most frequented with Deare, Beasts, 
Fish, Foule, Rootes, and Berries. At their huntings they 
leave their habitations, and reduce themselves into companies, 
as the Tartars doe, and goe to the most desert places with their 
famihes, where they spend their time in hunting and fowling 
UD towards the mountaines, by the heads of their rivers, where 

* Burning. 



104 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1612 

there is plentie of game. For betwixt the rivers, the grounds 
are so narrowe, that httle commeth there wliich they devoure 
not. It is a marvel they can so directly passe these deserts 
some 3 or 4 dales journey without habitation. Their hunting 
houses are like unto Arbours covered with mats. These their 
women beare after them, with Corne, Acornes, Morters, and 
all bag and baggage they use. When they come to the place 
of exercise, every man doth his best to shew his dexteritie, 
for by their excelhng in those quallities, they get their wives. 
Forty yards will they shoot levell, or very neare the mark, and 
120 is their best at Random. At their huntings in the deserts 
they are commonly 2 or 300 together. Having found the Deare, 
they environ them with many fires, and betwixt the fires they 
place themselves. And some take their stands in the midst. 
The Deare being thus feared by the fires and their voices, they 
chace them so long within that circle, that many times they 
kill 6, 8, 10, or 15 at a hunting. They use also to drive them 
into some narrowe point of land, when they find that advan- 
tage, and so force them into the river, where with their boats 
they have Ambuscadoes to kill them. V^^hen they have shot 
a Deare by land, they follow him like blood hounds by the blood 
and straine, and oftentimes so take them. Hares, Pattridges, 
Turkies, or Egges, fat or leane, young or old, they devoure all 
they can catch in their power. In one of these huntings, they 
found Captaine Smith in the discoverie of the head of the river 
of Chickahamania, where they slew his men, and tooke him 
prisoner in a Bogmire; where he saw those exercises, and 
gathered these observations. 

One Savage hunting alone, useth the skinne of a Deare sht 
on the one side, and so put on his arme, through the neck, so 
that his hand comes to the head which is stuffed, and the homes, 
head, eies, eares, and every part as arteficially counterfeited 
as they can devise. Thus shrowding his bod}'' in the skinne, 
by stalking he approacheth the Deare, creeping on the ground 
from one tree to another. If the Deare chance to find fault, 
or stande at gaze, hee turneth the head with his hand to his 
best advantage to seeme Hke a Deare, also gazing and hcking 



1612] SMITH'S DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA 105 

himself e. So watcliing his best advantage to approach, having 
shot him, hee chaseth him by his blood and straine till he get 
him. 

When they intend any warres, the Werowances usually 
have the advice of their Priests and Conjurors, and their AUies 
and ancient friends, but chiefely the Priestes determine their 
resolution. Every Werowance, or some lustie fellow, they 
appoint Captaine over every nation. They seldome make 
warre for lands or goods, but for women and children, and 
principally for revenge. They have many enimies, namely 
all their westernely Countries beyond the mountaines, and the 
heads of the rivers. Upon the head of the Powhatans are the 
Monacans, whose chiefe habitation is at Russawmeake, unto 
whome the Mouhemenchughes, the Massinnacacks, the Mona- 
hassanuggs, and other nations, pay tributs. Upon the head of 
the river of Toppahanock is a people called Mannahoacks. To 
these are contributers the Tauxsnitanias, the Shackaconias, 
the Outponcas, the Tegoneaes, the AMionkentyaes, the Stega- 
rakes, the Hassinnungas, and diverse others, all confederats 
with the Monacans, though many different in language, and 
be very barbarous, Hving for most part of wild beasts and 
fruits. Beyond the mountaines from whence is the head of 
the river Patawomeke, the Savages report, inhabit their most 
mortall enimies, the Massawomekes upon a great salt water, 
which by all likelyhood is either some part of Commada,^ 
some great lake, or some inlet of some sea that falleth into the 
South sea. These Massawomekes are a great nation and very 
populous. For the heads of all those rivers, especially the 
Pattawomekes, the Pautuxuntes, the Sasquesahanocks, the 
Tockwoughes, are continually tormented by them: of whose 
crueltie, they generally complained, and very importunate 
they were with Captaine Smith and his company, to free them 
from these tormentors. To this purpose, they offered food, 
conduct, assistance, and continuall subjection. To which he 
concluded to effect. But the counsell then present, emulating 

* Canada. 



106 NAKRATIVES OF EAKLY VIRGINIA [1612 

his successe, would not thinke it fit to spare him 40 men to 
be hazarded in those unknowne regions, having passed (as 
before was spoken of) but with 12, and so was lost that oppor- 
tunitie. Seaven boats full of these Massawomeks the dis- 
coverers encountred at the head of the Bay; whose Targets, 
Baskets, Swords, Tobaccopipes, Platters, Bowes and Arrowes, 
and every thing shewed, they much exceeded them of our 
parts: and their dexteritie in their small boats made of the 
barkes of trees sowed with barke, and well luted with gumme, 
argueth that they are seated upon some great water. 

Against all these enimies the Powhatans are constrained 
sometimes to fight. Their chiefe attempts are by Stratagems, 
trecheries, or surprisals. Yet the Werowances, women and 
children, they put not to death, but keepe them Captives. 
They have a method in warre, and for our pleasures, they 
shewd it us, and it was in this manner performed at Matta- 
panient. 

Ha^dng painted and disguised themselves in the fiercest 
manner they could devise, they divided themselves into two 
Companies, neare a 100 in a company. The one company 
called Monacans, the other Powhatans. Either army had 
their Captaine. These as enimies tooke their stands a musket 
shot one from another; ranked themselves 15 abreast, and 
each ranke from another 4 or 5 yards, not in fyle, but in the 
opening betwixt their fyles, so as the Reare could shoot as 
conveniently as the Front. Having thus pitched the fields; 
from either part went a Messenger with these conditions, 
that whosoever were vanquished, such as escape, upon their 
submission in 2 dales after, should live, but their wives and 
children should be prize for the Conquerers. The messengers 
were no sooner retm-ned, but they approached in their orders. 
On each flanke a Sarjeant, and in the Reare an ofhce for leuite- 
nant, all duly keeping their orders, yet leaping and singing 
after their accustomed tune, which they use only in warres. 
Upon the first flight of arrowes, they gave such horrible shouts 
and screeches, as though so many infernall helhounds could 
not have made them more terrible, ^^^len they had spent 



1012] SMITH'S DESCBIPTION OF VIRGINIA 107 

their an'owes, they joined together prettily, charging and re- 
tiring, every ranke seconding other. As they got advantage, 
they catched their enimies by the haire of the head, and downe 
he came that was taken. His eniniie with his wooden sword 
seemed to beat out his braines, and still they crept to the 
Reare, to maintaine the skirmish. The Monacans decreasing, 
the Powhatans charged them in the forme of a halfe moone: 
they miwiiling to be inclosed, fled all in a troope to their Am- 
buscadoes, on whome they led them very cunningly. The 
Monacans disperse themselves among the fresh men, whereupon 
the Powhatans retired with al speed to their seconds; which 
the Monacans seeing, took that advantage to retire againe to 
their owne battell, and so each returned to their owne quarter. 
All their actions, voices and gestures, both in charging and retir- 
ing, were so strained to the hight of their quallitie and nature, 
that the strangenes thereof made it seem very delightfull. 

For their musicke they use a thicke cane, on which they 
pipe as on a Recorder.* For their warres, they have a great 
deepe platter of wood. They cover the mouth thereof with 
a skin, at each corner they tie a walnut, which meeting on the 
backside neere the bottome, with a small rope they twitch 
them togither till it be so t ought and stiffe, that they may 
beat upon it as upon a drumme. But their chief e instruments 
are Rattels made of small gourds or Pumpion shels. Of these 
they have Base, Tenor, Counter-tenor, Meane and Trible.^ 
These mingled with their voices sometimes 20 or 30 togither, 
make such a terrible noise as would rather affright then delight 
any man. If any great commander arrive at the habitation of a 
Werowance, they spread a mat as the Turkes do a carpet, for 
him to sit upon. Upon an other right opposite they sit them- 
selves. Then doe all with a tunable voice of showting bid him 
w^elcome. After this, doe 2. or more of their chief est men 
make an oration, testifying their love. AVhich they do with 
such vehemency and so great passions, that they sweate till 
they drop, and are so out of breath they can scarce speake. 

* A musical pipe. ' Bass, tenor, high tenor, alto, and soprano. 



108 NAllKATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1612 

So that a man would take them to be exceeding angry or starke 
mad. Such victuall as they have, they spend freely, and at 
night where his lodging is appointed, they set a woman fresh 
painted red with Pocones and oile, to be his bedfellow. 

Their manner of trading is for copper, beades, and such 
like; for which they give such commodities as they have, as 
skins, fowle, fish, flesh, and their country corne. But their 
victuall is their chief est riches. 

Every spring they make themselves sicke with drinking 
the juice of a root they call wighsacan, and water, whereof they 
powre so great a quantity, that it purgeth them in a very vio- 
lent maner; so that in 3 or 4 daies after, they scarce recover 
their former health. Sometimes they are troubled with drop- 
sies, swellings, aches, and such like diseases; for cure wherof 
they build a stove in the form of a dovehouse with mats, so 
close that a fewe coales therein covered with a pot, will make 
the pacient sweate extreamely. For swellings also they use 
smal peeces of touchwood, in the forme of cloves, which prick- 
ing on the griefe, they burne close to the flesh, and from thence 
draw the corruption with their mouth. With this root wigh- 
sacan they ordinarily heal greene wounds: but to scarrifie 
a sweUing or make incision, their best instruments are some 
splinted stone. Old ulcers or putrified hurtes are seldome 
scene cured amongst them. They have many professed 
Phisitions, who with their charmes and Rattels, with an infer- 
nall rowt of words and actions, will seeme to sucke their inwarde 
griefe from their navels or their grieved places; but of our 
Chirurgians they were so conceipted, that they beleeved any 
Plaister would heale any hurt. 

Of their Religion, 

There is yet in Virginia no place discovered to bee so Savage 
in which the Savages have not a religion, Deare, and Bow 
and Arrowes. All thinges that were able to do them hurt be- 
yond their prevention, they adore with their kinde of divine 
worship; as the fire, water, lightning; thunder our ordinance, 



1612] SMITH'S DESCKIPTION OF VIRGINIA 109 

peeces, horses, &c. But their chief e God they worship is the 
Divell. Him they call Oke and serve him more of feare than 
love. They say they have conference with him, and fashion 
themselves as neare to his shape as they can imagine. In 
their temples, they have his image evill favouredly carved, 
and then painted and adorned with chaines, copper, and beades, 
and covered with a skin, in such manner as the deformity may 
well suit with such a God. By him is commonly the sepulcher 
of their kings. Their bodies are first bowelled, then dryed 
uj)on hurdles till they bee verie dry, and so about the most 
of their jointes and necke they hang bracelets or chaines of 
copper, pearle, and such like, as they use to weare : their in- 
wards they stuff e with copper beads and cover with a skin, 
hatchets, and such trash. Then lappe they them very care- 
fully in white skins, and so rowle them in mats for their wind- 
ing sheetes. And in the Tombe, which is an arch made of 
mats, they lay them orderly. What remaineth of this kinde of 
wealth their kings have, they set at their feet in baskets. 
These Temples and bodies are kept by their Priests. 

For their ordinary burials, they digge a deep hole in the 
earth with sharpe stakes, and the corp[s]es being lapped in 
skins and mats with their jewels, they lay them upon sticks 
in the ground, and so cover them with earth. The buriall 
ended, the women being painted all their faces with black 
cole and oile, doe sit 24 howers in the houses mourning and 
lamenting by turnes, with such yelling and howling as may 
expresse their great passions. 

In every Territory of a werowance is a Temple and a Priest 
2 or 3 or more. Their principall Temple or place of superstition 
is at Uttamussack at Pamaunke, neare unto which is a house 
Temple or place of Powhatans. 

Upon the top of certaine redde sandy hils in the woods, 
there are 3 great houses filled with images of their kings and 
Divels and Tombes of their Predecessors. Those houses are 
neare 60 ^ foot in length, built arbor wise, after their building. 

* In the True Relation Smith represents these houses as about 100 feet long. 



110 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1612 

This place they count so holy as that [none] but the Priestes 
and kings dare come into them : nor the Savages dare not go 
up the river in boats by it, but that they solemnly cast some 
peece of copper, white beads, or Pocones, into the river, for 
feare their Oke should be offended and revenged of them. 

In this place commonly is resident 7 Priests. The chief e 
differed from the rest in his ornaments: but inferior Priests 
could hardly be knowne from the common people, but that 
they had not so many holes in their eares to hang their jewels 
at. The ornaments of the chief e Priest was certain attires 
for his head made thus. They tooke a dosen or 16 or more 
snake skins, and stuffed them with mosse; and of weesels 
and other vermine skins, a good many. All these they tie 
by their tailes, so as all their tailes meete in the toppe of their 
head, like a great Tassell. Round about this Tassell is as it 
were a crown of feathers ; the skins hang round about his head 
necke and shoulders, and in a manner cover his face. The 
faces of all their Priests are painted as ugly as they can devise. 
In their hands, they had every one his Rattell, some base, some 
smaller.^ Their devotion was most in songs which the chiefe 
Priest beginneth and the rest followed him: sometimes he 
maketh invocations with broken sentences, by starts and 
strange passions, and at every pause, the rest give a short 
groane. 

It could not bee perceived that they keepe any day as more 
holy then other: but only in some great distresse, of want, . 
feare of enimies, times of triumph and gathering togither their 
fruits, the whole countrv of men women and children come 
togither to solemnities. The manner of their devotion is 
sometimes to make a great fire in the house or fields, and all 
to sing and dance about it, with rattles and shouts togither, 
4 or 5 houres. Sometimes they set a man in the midst, and 
about him they dance and sing, he all the while clapping his 
hands as if he would keepe time. And after their songs and 
dauncings ended, they goe to their Feasts. 

^ Lighter in sound. 



1612] SMITH'S DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA 111 

They have also divers conjurations. One they made 
when Captaine Smith was their prisoner (as they reported) 
to know if any more of his countrymen w^ould arive there, 
and what he there intended. The manner of it was thus. 
First they made a faire fire in a house. About this fire set 
7 Priests setting him by them, and about the fire, they made 
a circle of meale. That done, the chiefe Priest attired as is 
expressed, began to shake his rattle, and the rest followed him 
in his song. At the end of the song, he laid downe 5 or 3 
graines of w^heat, and so continued counting his songs by the 
graines, till 3 times they incirculed the fire. Then they divide 
the graines by certaine numbers with little stickes, laying dowaie 
at the ende of every song a little sticke. In this manner, they 
sat 8, 10, or 12 houres without cease, with such strange stretch- 
ing of their armes, and violent passions and gestures as might 
well seeme strange to him they so conjured, who but every 
houre expected his end. Not any meat they did eat till, late 
in the evening, they had finished this w^orke: and then they 
feasted him and themselves with much mirth. But 3 or 4 
dales they continued this ceremony. 

They have also certaine Altar stones they call Pawcorances : 
but these stand from their Temples, some by their houses, other 
in the woodes and wildernesses. Upon these, they offer blood, 
deare suet, and Tobacco. These they doe when they returne 
from the warres, from hunting, and upon many other occasions. 
They have also another superstition that they use in stormes, 
when the waters are rough m the rivers and sea coasts. Their 
Conjurers runne to the water sides, or passing in their boats, 
after many hellish outcries and invocations, they cast Tobacco, 
Copper, Pocones, and such trash into the w^ater, to pacific 
that God whome they thinke to be very angry in those stormes. 
Before their dinners and suppers, the better sort will take the 
first bit, and cast it in the fire, which is all the gi'ace they are 
known to use. 

In some part of the Country, they have yearely a sacrifice 
of children. Such a one was at Quiyoughcohanock, some 10 
miles from James Towne, and thus performed. Fifteene of 



112 NAKKATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1612 

the properest young boyes, betweene 10 and 15 yeares of age, 
they painted white. Having brought them forth, the people 
spent the forenoone in dancing and singing about them with 
rattles. In the afternoone, they put those children to the roote 
of a tree. By them, all the men stood in a guard, every one 
having a Bastinado in his hand, made of reeds bound together. 
This ^ made a lane betweene them all along, through which 
there were appointed 5 young men to fetch these children. So 
every one of the five went through the guard, to fetch a child, 
each after other by turnes : the guard fearelessly beating them 
with their Bastinadoes, and they patiently enduring and 
receaving all, defending the children with their naked bodies 
from the unmercifuU blowes they pay them soundly, though 
the children escape. All this while, the women weepe and crie 
out very passionately, providing mats, skinnes, mosse, and 
drie wood, as things fitting their childrens funerals. After the 
children were thus passed the guard, the guard tore down the 
tree, branches and boughs, with such violence, that they rent 
the body, and made wreathes for their heads, or bedecked their 
haire with the leaves. What else was done with the children was 
not scene ; but they were all cast on a heape in a valley, as dead : 
where they made a great feast for al the company. The Wero 
wance being demanded the meaning of this sacrifice, answered 
that the children were not al dead, but that the Oke or Divell did 
sucke the blood from their left breast,^ who chanced to be his by 
lot, till they were dead. But the rest were kept in the wildernesse 
by the yong men till nine moneths were expired, during which 
time they must not converse with any : and of these, were made 
their Priests and Conjurers. This sacrifice they held to bee so 
necessarie, that if they should omit it, their Oke or Divel and all 
their other Quiyoughcosughes (which are their other Gods) 
would let them have no Deare, Turkies, Corne nor fish : and 
yet besides, hee would make great slaughter amongst them. 
They thinke that their Werowances and Priestes, which 
they also esteeme Quiyoughcosughes , when they are dead, 

* These. ' I.e., from the left breast of those. 



1612] SMITH'S DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA 113 

doe goe beyound the mountaines towardes the setting of the 
sun, and ever remaine there in forme of their Oke, with their 
heads painted with oile and Pocones, finely trimmed with feath- 
ers, and shal have beades, hatchets, copper, and tobacco, 
doing nothing but dance and sing with all their Predecessors. 
But the common people, they suppose shall not live after death. 
To divert them from this blind idolatrie, many used their 
best indeavours, chiefly with the Werowances of Quiyough- 
cohanock, whose devotion, apprehension, and good disposition 
much exceeded any in those Countries : who though we could 
not as yet prevaile withall to forsake his false Gods, yet this 
he did beleeve, that our God as much exceeded theirs, as 
our Gunnes did their Bowes and Arrows, and many times 
did send to the President, at James towne, men with presents, 
intreating them to pray to his God for raine, for his Gods 
would not send him any. And in this lamentable ignorance 
doe these poore soules sacrifice themselves to the Divell, not 
knowing their Creator. 

Of the manner of the Virginians governement} 

Although the countrie people be very barbarous ; yet have 
they amongst them such governement, as that their Magis- 
*rats for good commanding, and their people for du subjection 
and obeying, excell many places that would be counted very 
civill. 

The forme of their Common wealth is a monarchicall 
governement. One as Emperour ruleth over many kings or 
governours. Their chief e ruler is called Powhatan, and taketh 
his name of the principall place of dwelling called Powhatan. 
But his proper name is Wahunsonacock. Some countries 
he hath, which have been his ancestors, and came unto him 
by inheritance, as the countrie called Powhatan, Arrohateck, 
Appamatuke, Pamaunke, Youghtanud, and Mattapanient. 
All the rest of his Territories expressed in the Map, they report 

^See James Mooney, " The Powhatan Confederacy, Past and Present " 
in the American Anthropologist, n. s., IX. 129-152. 



114 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1612 

have beene his severall conquests. In all his ancient inherit- 
ances, hee hath houses built after their manner like arbours, 
some 30, some 40 yardes long, and at every house, provision 
for his entertainement, according to the time. At Werow- 
comoco, he was seated upon the North side of the river Pa- 
maunke, some 14 miles from James Towne, where for the most 
part, hee was resident, but he tooke so little pleasure in our 
neare neighbourhood, that were able to visit him against his 
will in 6 or 7 houres, that he retired himself ^ to a place in the 
deserts at the top of the river Chickahamania betweene Yough- 
tanundand Powhatan. His habitation there is called Orapacks, 
where he ordinarily now reside th. He is of parsonage a tall 
well proportioned man, with a sower looke, his head somwhat 
gray, his beard so thinne that it seemeth none at al. His age 
neare 60 ; of a very able and hardy body to endure any labour, i 
About his person ordinarily attendeth a guard of 40 or 50 of 
the tallest men his Country doth afford. Every night upon ' 
the 4 quarters of his house are 4 Sentinels, each standing from 
other a flight shoot : and at every halfe houre, one from thej 
Corps du guard doth hollowe, unto whom every Sentinell doth 
answer round from his stand. If any faile, they presently] 
send forth an officer that beateth him extreamely. 

A mile from Orapakes in a thicket of wood, hee hath a] 
house, in which he keepeth his kind of Treasure, as skinnesJ 
copper, pearle, and beades, which he storeth up against 
the time of his death and buriall. Here also is his store of 
red paint for ointment, and bowes and arrowes. This house 
is 50 or 60 yards in length, frequented only by Priestes. At 
the 4 corners of this house stand 4 Images as Sentinels, one 
of a Dragon, another a Beare, the 3 like a Leopard, and the 
fourth like a giantlike man: all made evill favordly, accord-j 
ing to their best workmanship. 

He hath as many women as he will: whereof when heel 
lieth on his bed, one sitteth at his head, and another at his 
feet, but when he sitteth, one sitteth on his right hand, and] 

» Ir January, 1609. 



1612] SMITH'S DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA 115 

another on his left. As he is wearie of his women, hee be- 
stoweth them on those that best deserve them at his hands. 
When he dineth or suppeth, one of his women, before and after 
meat, bringeth him water in a wo[o]den platter to wash his 
hands. Another waiteth with a bunch of feathers to wipe 
them insteed of a Towell, and the feathers when he hath wiped 
are dryed againe. His kingdome descendeth not to his sonnes 
nor children: but first to his brethren, whereof he hath 3. 
namely Opitchapan, Opechancanough, and Catataugh, and 
after their decease to his sisters. First to the eldest sister, then 
to the rest : and after them to the heires male and female of 
the eldest sister, but never to the heires of the males. 

He nor any of his people understand .any letters wherby 
to write or read, only the lawes whereby he ruleth is custome. 
Yet when he listeth, his will is a law and must bee obeyed: 
not only as a king, but as halfe a God they esteeme him. His 
inferiour kings whom they cal werowances are tyed to rule by 
customes, and have power of life and death as their command 
in that nature. But this word Werowance which we call and 
conster ^ for a king, is a common worde whereby they call all 
commanders : for they have but fewe words in their language 
and but few occasions to use anie officers more then one com- 
mander, which commonly they call werowances. They all 
knowe their severall landes, and habitations, and limits to 
fish, fowle, or hunt in, but they hold all of their great Wero- 
wances Powhatan, unto whome they pay tribute of skinnes, 
beades, copper, pearle, deare, turkies, wild beasts, and corne. 
What he commandeth they dare not disobey in the least thing. 
It is strange to see with what great feare and adoration all 
these people doe obay this Powhatan. For at his feet, they 
present whatsoever he commandeth, and at the least frowne 
of his browT, their greatest spirits will tremble with feare: 
and no marvell, for he is very terrible and tyrannous in pun- 
ishing such as offend him. For example, hee caused certaine 
malefactors to be bound hand and foot, then having of many 

^ Construe, translate. 



116 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1612 

fires gathered great store of burning coles, they rake these coles 
round in the forme of a cockpit, and in the midst they cast the 
offenders to broyle to death. Sometimes he causeth the heads 
of them that offend him, to be laid upon the altar or sacrificing 
stone, and one with clubbes beates out their braines. When 
he would punish any notorious enimie or malefactor, he causeth 
him to be tied to a tree, and, with muscle shels or reeds, the 
executioner cutteth of[f] his joints one after another, ever cast- 
ing what they cut of [f ] into the fire ; then doth he proceed with 
shels and reeds to case the skinne from his head and face ; then 
doe they rip his belly, and so burne him with the tree and all. 
Thus themselves reported they executed George Cassen. 
Their ordinary correction is to beate them with cudgels. Wee 
have scene a man kneeling on his knees, and at Powhatans 
command, two men have beat him on the bare skin, till he 
hath fallen senselesse in a s[w]ound, and yet never cry nor 
complained. 

In the yeare 1608, hee surprised the people of Payanka- 
tank, his neare neighbours and subjects. The occasion was 
to us unknowne, but the manner was thus. First he sent 
diverse of his men as to lodge amongst them that night, then 
the Ambuscadoes invironed al their houses, and at the houre 
appointed, they all fell to the spoile ; 24 men they slewe, the 
long haire of the one side of their heades with the skinne cased 
off with shels or reeds, they brought away. They surprised 
also the women and the children and the Werowance. All 
these they present to Powhatan. The Werowance, women 
and children became his prisoners, and doe him service. The 
lockes of haire with their skinnes he hanged on a line unto two 
trees. And thus he made ostentation as of a great triumph at 
Werowocomoco, shewing them to the English men that then 
came unto him, at his appointment : they expecting provision ; 
he, to betray them, supposed to halfe conquer them, by this 
spectacle of his terrible crueltie. 

And this is as much as my memory can call to mind worthie 
of note; which I have purposely collected, to satisfie my 
friends of the true worth and qualitie of Virginia. Yet some 



1612] SMITH'S DESCRIPTI0:N^ of VIRGINIA 117 

bad natures will not sticke to slander the Countrey, that will 
slovenly spit at all things, especially in company where they 
can find none to contradict them. A'Vlio though they were 
scarse ever 10 miles from James Town, or at the most but at 
the falles; yet holding it a great disgrace that amongst so 
much action, their actions were nothing, exclaime of all things, 
though they never adventured to knowe any thing ; nor ever 
did any thing but devoure the fruits of other mens labours. 
Being for most part of such tender educations and small ex- 
perience in martiall accidents : because they found not Eng- 
lish cities, nor such faire houses, nor at their owne wishes any 
of their accustomed dainties, with feather beds and downe 
pillowes, Tavernes and alehouses in every breathing place, 
neither such plenty of gold and silver and dissolute liberty as 
they expected, had little or no care of any thing, but to pamper 
their bellies, to fly away with our Pinnaces, or procure their 
means to returne for England. For the Country was to them 
a miserie, a ruine, a death, a hell, and their reports here, and 
their owne actions there according.^ 

Some other there were that had yearely stipends to pass 
to and againe for transportation: who to keepe the mystery 
of the businesse in themselves, though they had neither time 
nor meanes to knowe much of themselves ; yet al mens actions 
or relations they so formally tuned to the temporizing times 
simplicitie, as they could make their ignorances seeme much 
more then al the true actors could by their experience. And 
those with their great words deluded the world with such 
strange promises as abused the businesse much worse then the 
rest. For the businesse being builded upon the foundation 
of their fained experience, the planters, the mony, tinne 
[time], and meanes have still miscaried : yet they ever return- 

* Smith attributes the calamities of the colony to his enemies, but other 
causes purposely underestimated had more to do with the matter, — im- 
ported diseases, a climate singularly fatal to newcomers, the faction-breed- 
ing charter, Indian attack, and the unreasonable desire of the company in 
London for immediate profit. No better proof of the patriotism of the colo- 
nists could be afforded than the death-rate. 



U8 NAEK-ATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1612 

ing, and the Planters so farre absent, who could contradict 
their excuses? which, stil to maintain their vaincglory and 
estimation, from time to time they have used such diligence 
as made them passe for truthes, though nothing more false. 
And that the adventurers might be thus abused, let no man 
wonder; for the wisest living is soonest abused by him that 
hath a faire tongue and a dissembling heart. 

There w^ere many in Virginia meerely projecting verbal ^ 
and idle contcmplatours, and those so devoted to pure idle- 
nesse that though they had lived two or three yeares in Vir- 
ginia lordly, necessitie it selfe could not compell them to passe 
the Peninsula, or Pallisadoes of James Towne ; and those wittie 
spirits, what would they not affirme in the behalfe of our 
transporters, to get victuall from their ships, or obtaine their 
good words in England to get their passes? Thus from the 
clamors and the ignorance of false informers are sprung those 
disasters that spring in Virginia, and our ingenious verbalists 
were no lesse plague to us in Virginia, then the Locusts to the 
Egyptians. For the labour of 30 of the best only, preserved 
in Christianitie, by their Industrie, the idle livers of neare 200 
of the rest : who lived neer 10 months of such naturall meanes, 
as the Country naturally of it selfe afforded. Notwithstanding 
all this, and the worst furie of the Savages, the extremitie of 
sicknesse, mutinies, faction, ignorances, and want of victuall ; 
in all that time I lost but 7 or 8 men : yet subjected the Savages 
to our desired obedience, and receaved contribution from 35 
of their kings, to protect and assist them against any that 
should assalt them, in which order thev continued true and 
faithful, and as subjects to his Majestie, so long after as I did 
govern there, untill I left the Country : Since, how they have 
revolted, the Countrie lost, and againe replanted, and the 
businesses hath succeeded from time to time, I referre you to 
the relations of them returned from Virginia, that have bin 
more diligent in such observations. 

^ Speculating and theoretical. 



THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH 
COLONIES IN VIRGINIA 

Since their first beginning from England in the yeare of our 
Lord 1606, till this present 1612, with all their accidents that 
befell them in their Journies and Discoveries. 

Also the Salvages discourses, orations and relations of the 
Bordering neighbours, and how they became subject to the 
English. 

Unfolding even the fundamentall causes from, ivhence have 
sprang so many miseries to the undertakers, and scandals 
to the businesse: taken faithfully as they were written out 
of the writings of Thomas Studley the first provant maister, 
Anas Todkill, Walter Russell Doctor of Phisicke, Nathaniell 
Powell, William Phettyplace, Richard Wyffin, Thomas 
Abbay, Tho: Hope, Rich: Pots and the labours of divers 
other diligent observers, that were residents in Virginia. 
And perused and confirmed by diverse now resident in 
England that were actors in this busines. By W. S. 

At Oxford, Printed by Joseph Barnes. 1612.^ 

TO THE READER 

Long hath the world longed, but to be truely satisfied what 
Virginia is, with the truth of those proceedings, from whence 
hath fiowne so manie reports of worth, and yet few good effects 
of the charge, which hath caused suspition in many well willers 
that desire yet but to be truely satisfied therein. If any can 

* This italic heading is taken from the title-page of the original. 
Part II. has a separate title-page and pagination, but was issued with the 
Maj) and Description. As to "W. S.," see p. 76, note 1. 

119 



120 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1606 

resolve this doubt it is those that have lived residents in the 
land: not salers, or passengers, nor such mercinary contem- 
plators, that only bedeck themselves with others plumes. 
This discourse is not from such, neither am I the author, for 
they are many, whose particular discourses are signed by their 
names. This solid treatise, first was compiled by Richard 
Pots, since passing the hands of many to peruse, chancing into 
my hands, (for that I know them honest men, and can partly 
well witnesse their relations true) I could do no lesse in charity 
to the world then reveale; nor in conscience, but approve. 
By the advise of many grave and understanding gentlemen, 
that have pressed it to the presse, it was thought fit to pub- 
lish it, rather in it[s] owne rude phrase then other waies. 
For that nothing can so purge that famous action from 
the infamous scandal some ignorantly have conceited, as the 
plaine simple and naked truth. For defect whereof the 
businesse is still suspected, the truth unknowne, and 
the best deservers discouraged, and neglected, some by 
false reports, others by conjecture, and such power hath 
flattry to ingender of those, hatred and affection, that one 
is sufficient to beguile more then 500 can keepe from being 
deceived. 

But this discourse is no Judge of mens manners, nor cata- 
logue of their former courses ; only a reporter of their actions 
in Virginia, not to disgrace any, accuse any, excuse any, nor 
flatter any; for which cause there is no wrong done but this, 
shortnesse in complaining, and so sparing in commending as 
only the reader may perceive the truth for his paines, and the 
action purged of foule slander; it can detract from none that 
intendeth there to adventure their fortunes; and to speake 
truly of the first planters, that brake the yce and beate the path, 
howsoever many difficulties obscured their indevours, he were 
worsp then the worst of Ingrates, that would not spare [their] 
memory chat have buried themselves in those forrain regions. 
From whose first adventures may spring more good blessings 
then are yet conceived. So I rest thine, that will read, peruse, 
and understand me. If you finde false orthography or broken 



1606] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 121 

English, they are small faultes in souldiers, that not being able 
to write learnedly, onlie strive to speake truely, and be under- 
stood without an Interpreter. 

T. Abbay. 



THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY IN 

VIRGINIA 

taken faithfully out of the writings of Thomas Studly, Cape- 
marchant, Anas Todkill, Doctor Russell, Nathaniell 
Powell, William Phetiplace, and Richard Pot[s], with the 
laboures of other discreet observers, during their residences. 



CHAPTER I 

It might wel be thought, a countrie so faire (as Virginia is) 
and a people so tractable/ would long ere this have beene 
quietly possessed, to the satisfaction of the adventurers, and 
the eternizing of the memorie of those that affected it. But 
because all the world doe see a defailement; this following 
Treatise shall give satisfaction to all indifferent readers, how 
the businesse hath beene carried, where no doubt they will 
easily understand and answer to their question, howe it came 
to passe there was no better speed and successe in those pro- 
ceedings. 

Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold, the first mover of this 
plantation, having many yeares solicited many of his friends, 
but found small assistants ; at last prevailed with some Gentle- 
men, as Mr Edward-maria Wingfield, Captaine John Smith, 
and diverse others, who depended a yeare upon his projects, 
but nothing could be effected, till by their great charge and 
Industrie it came to be apprehended by certaine of the Nobilitie, 
Gentrie, and Mar chants, so that his Majestic by his letters 
patent, gave commission for establishing Councels, to direct 

^When Smith represents the Indians of Virginia as "tractable," he 
subjects his opinion to question. 



122 NAKKATIVES 01^^ EARLY VIKGINIA [160t 

here, and to governe and to execute there. To effect this, was 
spent another yeare, and by that time, three ships ^ were pro- 
vided, one of 100 Tonns, another of 40. and a Pinnace of 20. 
The transportation of the company was committed to Cap- 
taine Christopher Newport, a Marriner well practised for the 
westerne parts of America. But their orders for governement 
were put in a box, not to be opened, nor the governours knowne 
untill they arived in Virginia. 

On the 19 of December, 1606. we set saile, but by unpros- 
perous winds, were kept six weekes in the sight of England ; all 
which time, Mr Hunt our Preacher, was so weake and sicke, 
that few expected his recoverie. Yet although he were but 
10 or 12 miles from his habitation (the time we were in the 
Downes), and notwithstanding the stormie weather, nor the 
scandalous imputations (of some few, little better then Atheists, 
of the greatest ranke amongst us) suggested against him, all 
this could never force from him so much as a seeming desire to 
leave the busines, but preferred the service of God, in so good 
a voyage, before any affection to contest with his godlesse foes, 
whose disasterous designes (could they have prevailed) had 
even then overthrowne the businesse, so many discontents 
did then arise, had he not, with the water of patience, and his 
godly exhortations (but chiefly by his true devoted examples) 
quenched those flames of envie, and dissention. 

Wee watred at the Canaries, wee traded with the Salvages 
at Dominica; three weekes we spent in refreshing our selvs 
amongst these west-India lies; in Gwardalupa we found a 
bath so hot, as in it we boiled porck as well as over the fire. 
And at a little He called Monica, we tooke from the bushes with 
our hands, neare two hogsheads full of birds in 3 or 4 houres. 
In Me vis, ^ Mona, and the Virgin lies, we spent some time, 
where with a lothsome beast like a Crocadil, called a Gwayn,^ 
Tortoses, Pellicans, Parrots, and fishes, we daily feasted. Gone 
from thence in search of Virginia, the company was not a little 



* The Sarah Constantf the Goodspeed, and the Discovery. 
Nevis. ' An iguana, a kiiid of large lizard. 



2 



1607] PKOCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 123 

discomforted, seeing the Marriners had three daies passed their 
reckoning, and found no land, so that Captaine Ratchffe 
(Captaine of the Pinnace) rather desired to beare up the helme 
to returne for England, then make further search. But God, 
the guider of all good actions, forcing them by an extream 
storme to hul all night, did drive them by his providence to their 
desired port, beyond all their expectations, for never any of 
them had scene that coast . The first land they made, they called 
Cape Henry; where anchoring, Mr Wingfield, Gosnoll, and 
Newport, with 30 others, recreating themselves on shore, were 
assalted by 5 Salvages, who hurt 2 of the English very dan- 
gerously. That night ^ was the box opened, and the orders 
read, in which Bartholomew Gosnoll, Edward Wingfield, Chris- 
topher Newport, John Smith, John Ratliffe, John Martin, and 
George Kendall, were named to bee the Councell, and to choose 
a President amongst them for a yeare, who with the Councell 
should governe. Matters of moment were to be examined by 
a Jurie, but determined by the major part of the Councell in 
which the Precedent ^ had 2 voices. Untill the 13 of May, they 
sought a place to plant in, then the Councell was sworne, 
M. Wingfield was chosen Precident, and an oration made, 
whie Captaine Smith was not admitted of the Councell as 
the rest. 

Now falleth every man to worke, the Councell contrive 
the Fort, the rest cut downe trees to make place to pitch their 
Tents; some provide clapbord to relade the ships, some 
make gardens, some nets, &c. The Salvages often visited us 
kindly. The Precidents overweening jealousie would admit 
no exercise at armes, or fortification but the boughs of trees 
cast together in the forme of a halfe moone by the extraordinary 
paines and diligence of Captaine Kendall. Newport, with 
Smith, and 20 others, were sent to discover the head of the 
river: by divers smal habitations they passed, in 6 daies 
they arrived at a towne called Powhatan, consisting of some 
12 houses pleasantly seated on a hill; before it, 3 fertil lies, 

' April 26, 1607. ' President. 



124 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1607 

about it many of their cornefields. The place is very pleasant, 
and strong by nature. Of this place the Prince is called Pow- 
hatan, and his people Powhatans. To this place, the river 
is navigable, but higher within a mile, by reason of the Rockes 
and lies, there is not passage for a smal boate : this they call 
the Falles. The people in al parts kindly intreated them, til 
being returned within 20 miles of James towne, they gave just 
cause of jealousie. But had God not blessed the discoverers 
otherwise then those at the fort, there had then beene an end 
of that plantation. For at the fort, where they arived the 
next day, they found 17 men hurt, and a boy slaine by the 
Salvages. And had it not chanced a crosse barre shot from 
the ships strooke down a bough from a tree amongst them, 
that caused them to retire, our men had all been slaine, being 
securely all at worke, and their armes in drie fats. 

Hereupon the President was contented the Fort should 
be pallisadoed, the ordinance mounted, his men armed and 
exercised, for many were the assaults and Ambuscadoes of the 
Salvages, and our men by their disorderly stragling were often 
hurt, when the Salvages by the nimblenesse of their heeles well 
escaped. What toile wee had, with so smal a power to guard 
our workmen adaies, watch al night, resist our enimies and 
effect our businesse, to relade the ships, cut downe trees, and 
prepare the ground to plant our corne, &c., I referre to the 
readers consideration. 

Six weekes being spent in this manner, Captaine Newport 
(who was hired only for our transportation) was to return with 
the ships. Now Captaine Smith, who all this time from their 
departure from the Canaries, was restrained ^ as a prisoner, upon 
the scandalous suggestions of some of the chiefe (envying his 
repute), who fained he intended to usurpe the governement, 
murder the Councell, and make himselfe king, that his confed- 
erats were dispearsed in all the three ships, and that divers of 
his confederats that revealed it, would affirme it : for this he 

* Smith was under arrest from about March 24, 1607, when they reached 
Dominica, to June 20, when he was admitted to the council. 



1607J 



PKOCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 



125 



was committed. 13 weekes he remained thus suspected, and 
by that time the ships should returne, they pretended, out of 
their commisserations, to referre him to the Councell in Eng- 
land, to receave a check, rather then by particulating his 
designes, make him so odious to the world, as to touch his life, 
or utterly overthrowe his reputation. But he much scorned 
their charitie, and publikely defied the uttermost of their 
crueltie. Hee wisely prevented their pollicies, though he 
could not suppresse their envies ; yet so wel he demeaned him- 
selfe in this busines, as all the company did see his innocencie, 
and his adversaries malice, and those suborned to accuse him, 
accused his accusers of subornation. Many untruthes were 
alleaged against him, but being so apparently disproved begat 
a generall hatred in the harts of the company against such 
unjust commanders. Many were the mischief es that daily 
sprong from their ignorant (yet ambitious) spirits; but the 
good doctrine and exhortation of our preacher Mr Hunt recon- 
ciled them, and caused Captaine Smith to be admitted of the 
Councell. The next day all receaved the Communion: the 
day following the Salvages voluntarily desired peace, and Cap- 
taine Newport returned for England with newes; leaving in 
Virginia, 100. the 15 of June 1607.' 



The names of them that were the first planters, were these 

following. 



Mr Edward Maria 
Wingfield. 

Captaine Bartholo- 
mew Gosnoll. 

Cap. John Smyth. 

Cap. John Rat[c]liffe. 

Cap. John Martin. 

Cap. George Kendall. 



Coun- 
cell. 



Mr Robert Hunt Preacher. 
Mr George Percie. '' 
Anthony Gosnoll. 
Cap. Gabriell Archer. 
Robert Ford. l^Gent. 

William Bruster. 
Dru Pickhouse. 
John Brookes. 



1607. 



Smith here missed the time by a week. Newport left Virginia June 22, 



126 



NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA 



[1607 



Thomas Sands. 
John Robinson. 
Ustis Clovill. 
Keilam Throgmorton. 
Nathaniel Powell. 
Robert Behethland. 
Jeremy Alicock. 
Thomas Studley. 
Richard Crofts. 
Nicholas Houlgrave. 
Thomas Webbe. 
John Waler. 
William Tankard. 
Francis Snarsbrough. 
Edward Brookes. 
Richard Dixon. 
John Martin. 
George Martin. 
Anthony Gosnold. 
Thomas Wotton, Sierg. 
Thomas Gore. 
Francis Midwinter. 



^ Gent. 



William Laxon. 
Edward Rising. 
Tho. Emry. 
Rob. Small. 

Anas Todkill 
John Capper 



Carpenters. 



James Read, Blacksmith 
Jonas Profit, Sailor 
Tho. Couper, Barber. 
John Herd, Bricklayer. 
William Garret, Bricklayer. 
Edward Brinto, Mason. 
William Love, Taylor. 
Nic. Skot, Drum.^ 



John Laydon. 
William Cassen. 
George Cassen. 
Tho. Cassen. 
William Rods. 
William AVhite. 
Ould Edward. 
Henry Tavin. 
George Golding. 
John Dods. 
William Johnson. 
Will, linger. 



Labourers. 



Will. Wilkinson, Surgeon, 



Samuell CoUier. 
Nat. Pecock. 
James Brumfield. 
Rich. Mutton. 



Boyes. 



with diverse others to the number of 105.^ 

* Drummer. | 

' A longer list, 82 names against 67 given here, is printed in Smith's 
Generall Historie, pp. 43, 44. 



1«07J PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 127 



CHAPTER II 

What happened till the first supply. 

Being thus left to our fortunes, it fortuned that, within 
tenne daies, scarse ten amongst us coulde either goe, or well 
stand, such extreame weaknes and sicknes oppressed us. And 
thereat none need mervaile, if they consider the cause and 
reason, which was this ; whilest the ships staled, our allowance 
was somewhat bettered by a daily proportion of bisket which 
the sailers would pilfer to sell, give, or exchange with us, for 
mony, saxefras, furres, or love. But when they departed, 
there remained neither taverne, beere-house, nor place of 
relife but the common kettell. Had we beene as free from 
all sinnes as gluttony and drunkeness, we might have bin 
canonized for Saints. But our President would never have 
bin admitted, for ingrossing to his privat^ Otemeale, sacke, 
oile, aquavitae, beefe, egs, or what not, but the kettel; 
that indeede he allowed equally to be distributed, and that 
was halfe a pinte of wheat, and as much barly, boyled with 
water, for a man a day, and this having fryed some 26. weeks 
in the ships hold, contained as many wormes as graines, so 
that we might truely call it rather so much bran than corne. 
Our drinke was water, our lodgings, castles in the aire. With 
this lodging and diet, our extreame toile in bearing and plant- 
ing pallisadoes, so strained and bruised us, and our continuall 
labour in the extremity of the heate had so weakned us, as 
were cause sufficient to have made us as miserable in our native 
country, or any other place in the world. From May to Sep- 
tember, those that escaped lived upon Sturgion and sea-Crabs. 
50. in this time we buried. The rest seeing the Presidents 
projects to escape these miseries in our Pinnas by flight (who 
all this time, had neither felt want nor sicknes), so moved our 

^ I.e., to his own use. This charge President Wingfield indignantly 
denied. 



128 NAKRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1607 

dead spirits, as we deposed him;^ and established Ratcliffe 
in his place : Gosnoll being dead/ Kendall deposed, Smith 
newly recovered; Martin and Ratliffe was, by his care, pre- 
served and relieved. But now was all our provision spent, 
the Sturgeon gone, all helps abandoned, each houre expecting 
the fury of the Salvages; when God, the patron of all good 
indeavours, in that desperate extreamity, so changed the 
harts of the Salvages, that they brought such plenty of their 
fruits and provision, as no man wanted. 

And now where some affirmed it was ill done of the Councel 
to send forth men so badly provided, this incontradictable 
reason will shew them plainely they are too ill advised to nour- 
ish such il conceipts. First, the fault of our going was our 
owne. What could bee thought fitting or necessary wee had, 
but what wee should finde, what we should want, where we 
shoulde bee, we were all ignorant, and supposing to make our 
passage in two monthes, with victuall to live, and the advan- 
tage of the spring to worke : we weare at sea 5. monthes, where 
we both spent our victuall and lost the opportunity of the 
time and season to plant. 

Such actions have ever since the worlds beginning beene 
subject to such accidents, and every thing of worth is found 
full of difficulties, but nothing so difficult as to establish a 
common wealth so farre remote from men and meanes, and 
where mens mindes are so untoward as neither do well them- 
selves, nor suffer others. But to proceed. 

The new President, and Martin, being little beloved, of 
weake judgement in dangers and lesse industry in peace, com- 
mitted the managing of all things abroad to captaine Smith: 
who, by his owne example, good words, and faire promises, 
set some to mow, others to binde thatch, some to build houses, 
others to thatch them, himselfe alwaies bearing the greatest 
taske for his own share, so that, in short time, he provided most 
of them lodgings, neglecting any for himselfe. This done, 
seeing the Salvages superfluity beginne to decrease,^ (with 

^September 10, 1607. 2August22, 1607. 'After ''decrease ''supply "he." 



1607] PEOCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 129 

some of his workemen) shipped himselfe in the shallop, to 
search the country for trade. The want of the language, 
knowledge to mannage his boat without sailers, the want of a 
sufficient power (knowing the multitude of the Salvages), 
apparell for his men, and other necessaries, were infinite im- 
pediments, yet no discouragement. Being but 6 or 7 in com- 
pany, he went down the river to Kecoughtan, where at first 
they scorned him, as a starved man, yet he so dealt with them, 
that the next day they loaded his boat with corne. And in 
his returne, he discovered and kindly traded with the Weras- 
koyks.^ In the meane time, those at the fort so glutted the 
Salvages with their commodities, as they became not regarded. 
Smith perceiving (notwithstanding their late miserie) 
not any regarded but from hand to mouth, the company 
being well recovered, caused the Pinas to bee provided with 
things fitting to get provision for the yeare following. But 
in the interim, he made 3. or 4. journies, and discovered the 
people of Chickahamine. Yet what he carefully provided, 
the rest carelesly spent. Wingfield and Kendall living in dis- 
grace, (seeing al things at randome in the absence of Smith, the 
companies dislike of their Presidents weaknes, and their small 
love to Martins never-mending sicknes) strengthened them- 
selves with the sailers and other confederates, to regaine their 
former credit and authority, or at least such meanes abord the 
Pinas (being fitted to saile as Smith had appointed for trade), 
to alter her course, and to go for England. Smith unexpectedly 
returning^ had the plot discovered to him. Much trouble 
he had to prevent it, till with store of fauken^ and musket 
shot, he forced them stay or sinke in the river. Which action 
cost the life of captaine Kendall.* These brawles are so dis- 
gustfull, as some will say they were better forgotten, yet all 
men of good judgement will conclude, it were better their 
])cisenes should be manifest to the world, then the busines 
beare the scorne and shame of their excused disorders. The 



* Warascoyacks. ^ November, 1607. ^ Falcon, a small cannon. 
*Who was shot to death about December 1, 1607. 



130 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1607 

President and captaine Archer not long after intended also 
to have abandoned the country, which project also was curbed 
and suppressed by Smith. The Spanyard never more greedily 
desired gold then he victuall, which he found so plentiful in 
the river of Chickahamine, where hundreds of Salvages, in 
divers places, stood with baskets expecting his coming. And 
now the winter approaching, the rivers became so covered 
with swans, geese, duckes, and cranes, that we daily feasted 
with good bread, Virginia pease, pumpions, and putchamins, 
fish, fowle, and diverse sorts of wild beasts as fat as we could 
eat them : so that none of our Tuf taffaty ^ humorists desired 
to goe for England. But our comaedies never endured long 
without a Tragedie. Some idle exceptions being muttered 
against Captaine Smith, for not discovering the head of Chick- 
ahamine river, and taxed by the Councell, to bee too slow in 
so worthie an attempt: the next voyage, hee proceeded so 
farre that with much labour, by cutting of trees in sunder, he 
made his passage. But when his Barge could passe no farther, 
he left her in a broad bay, out of danger of shot, commanding 
none should goe ashore till his returne ; himselfe, with 2 Eng- 
lish and two Salvages, went up higher in a Canowe. But hee 
was not long absent, but his men went ashore, whose want of 
government gave both occasion and opportunity to the Sal- 
vages, to surprise one George Casson, and much failed not to 
have cut of[f] the boat and all the rest. Smith little dreaming 
of that accident, being got to the marshes at the rivers head, 
20 myles in the desert, had his 2 men slaine (as is supposed) 
sleeping by the Canowe, whilst himselfe by fowling sought 
them victuall. Who finding he was beset with 200 Salvages, 
2 of them hee slew, stil defending himselfe with the aid of a 
Salvage his guid, whome hee bounde to his arme and used as 
his buckler, till at last slipping into a bogmire, they tooke him 
prisoner. When this newes came to the fort, much was their 
sorrow for his losse, fewe expecting what ensued. A month ^ 

^ Silken dressed. 

^ The exact period seems to have been from December 10 to January 2, 
a little more than three weeks. 



1008] FKOCEEDiNGS OJ^ THE ENGLISH COLONY 131 

those Barbarians kept him prisoner. Many strange triumphes 
and conjurations they made of him : yet hee so demeaned him- 
selfe amongst them, as he not only diverted them from sur- 
prising the Fort, but procure his owne Uberty, and got him- 
selfe and his company such estimation amongst them, that 
those Salvages admired him as a demi-God. So returning safe 
to the Fort^ once more staied the Pinnas her flight for Eng- 
land, which, til his returne, could not set saile, so extreame 
was the weather, and so great the frost 

His relation of the plentie he had scene, especially at Wero- 
wocomoco, where inhabited Powhatan (that till that time was 
unknowne) ^ so revived againe their dead spirits as all mens 
feare was abandoned. Powhatan having sent with this Cap- 
taine, divers of his men loaded with pro^dsion, he had condi- 
tioned, and so appointed his trustie messengers to bring but 
2 or 3 of our great ordenances ; but the messengers being satis- 
fied with the sight of one of them discharged, ran away amazed 
with feare, till meanes was used with guifts to assure them 
our loves. Thus you may see what difficulties stil crossed any 
good indeavour, and the good successe of the businesse, and 
being thus oft brought to the very period of destruction, yet 
you see by what strange meanes God hath still delivered it. 
As for the insufficiencie of them admitted in commission, that 
errour could not be prevented by their electors, there being 
no other choice, and all were strangers each to others educa- 
tion, qualUties, or disposition. And if any deeme it a shame 
to our nation, to have any mention made of these enormities, 
let them peruse the histories of the Spanish discoveries and 
plantations, where they may see how many mutinies, dis- 
cords, and dissentions have accompanied them and crossed 
their attempts; wliich being knowne to be particular mens 
offences, doth take away the generall scorne and contempt, 
malhce ^ and ignorance might else produce to the scandall and 
reproach of those whose actions and vaUant resolution deserve 

* January 2, 1608; "he once more staid," etc. 

» I.e., personally. ^ Which malice, etc. 



132 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1608 

a worthie respect. Now whether it had beene better for Cap- 
taine Smith to have conchided with any of their severall proj- 
ects to have abandoned the Countrie with some 10 or 12 of 
them [that] we cal the better sort ; to have left Mr Hunt our 
preacher, Mr Anthony Gosnoll (a most honest worthy and in- 
dustrious gentleman) with some 30 or 40 others, his countrie 
men, to the furie of the Salvages, famin, and all manner of mis- 
chief es and inconveniences, or starved himself e with them for 
company, for want of lodging, or but adventuring abroad to 
make them provision, or by his opposition, to preserve the 
action, and save all their lives, I leave to the censure of others 
to consider. 

Thomas Studley/ 

CHAPTER III 

The arrivall of the first supply with their proceedings and returne. 

All this time, our cares were not so much to abandon the 
Countrie, but the Treasurer and Councell in England were as 
diligent and carefull to supplie us. Two tall ships they sent 
us, with neere 100 men, well furnished with all things could be 
imagined necessarie, both for them and us. The one com- 
manded by Captaine Newport : the other, by Captaine Nelson, 
an honest man and an expert marriner, but such was the lee- 
wardnesse of his ship, that (though he were within sight of 
Cape Henry), by stormy contrarie windes, was forced so farre 
to sea as the West Indies was the next land,^ for the repaire 
of his Masts, and reliefe of wood and water. But Captaine 
Newport got in, and arived at James towne^ not long after 
the redemption of Captaine Smith; to whome the Salvages, 
every other day, brought such plentie of bread, fish, turkies, 
squirrels, deare, and other wild beasts: part they gave liim 

* As Studley died August 28, 1607, he could have been the authority for 
only the first page of the narrative. The rest was probably by Anas Todkill. 

2 After "land" supply ''he made.'^ The margin names the Phenix 
as Nelson's ship. ' January 2, 1608. 



1608] PEOCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 133 

as presents from the king ; the rest, hee as their market clarke, 
set the price how they should sell. 

So he had inchanted those pore soules (being their pris- 
oner) in demonstrating unto them the roundnesse of the world, 
the course of the moone and starres, the cause of the day and 
night, the largenes of the seas, the qualHties of our ships shot 
and powder, the de\'ision of the world, with the diversity of 
the people, their complexions customes and conditions. All 
which hee fained to be under the command of Captaine New- 
port, whom he tearmed to them his father ; of whose arrival it 
chanced he so directly prophecied, as they esteemed him an 
oracle. By these fictions he not only saved his owne hfe, and 
obtained his hberty ; but had them at that command, [that] he 
might command them what his Hsted. That God that created 
al these things, they knew he adored for his God ; whom they 
would also tearme in their discourses, the God of captaine 
Smith. The President and Councel so much envied his esti- 
mation amongst the Salvages (though wee all in generall 
equally participated with him of the good therof) that they 
wrought it into their understandings, by their great bounty in 
giving 4. times more for their commodities then he appointed, 
that their greatnesse and authority as much exceed [ed] his, as 
their bounty and Hberality. Now the arrivall of [t]his first 
supply so overjoyed us, that we could not devise too much to 
please the mariners. We gave them liberty to track * or trade 
at their pleasures. But in a short time, it followed that could 
not be had for a pound of copper, which before was sold for 
an ounce. Thus ambition and sufferance cut the throat of 
our trade, but confirmed their opinion of Newports greatnes ; 
wherewith Smith had possessed Powhatan : especially by the 
great presents Newport often sent him, before he could prepare 
the Pinas to go and visit him. So that this Salvage also desired 
to see him. A great bruit there was to set him forwarde. 
When he went, he was accompanied with captaine Smith and 
Mr Scrivener (a very wise understanding gentleman newly ar- 

» Truck. 



134 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1608 

rived, and admitted of the Councell), and 30. or 40. chosen 
men for that guarde. Arriving at Werowocomo[co], New- 
ports conceipt of this great Salvage bred many doubts and sus- 
pitions of treacheries. Which Smith, to make appeare was 
needlesse, with 20. men well appointed, undertooke to encoun- 
ter (with that number) the worst that could happen. There 
names were 

Nathaniell Powell. John Taverner. 

Robert Beheathland. William Dier. 

WilUam Phettiplace. Thomas Coe. 

Richard Wyffin. Thomas Hope. 

Anthony Gosnoll. Anas Todkell. 

with 10. others whose names I * have forgotten. These being 
kindly received a shore ; with 2. or 300. Salvages were conducted 
to their towne. Powhatan strained himself e to the uttermost 
of his greatnes, to entertain us, with great shouts of Joy, ora- 
tions of protestations, and the most plenty of victuall hee 
could provide to feast us. Sitting upon his bed of mats, his 
pillow of leather imbroydred (after their rude manner) with 
pearle and white beades, his attire a faire Robe of skins as large 
as an Irish mantle, at his head and feet a handsome young 
woman : on each side his house sate 20. of his concubines, their 
heads and shoulders painted red, with a great chaine of white 
beades about their necks ; before those sate his chief est men, 
in Uke order, in his arbor-like house. With many pretty dis- 
courses to renue their olde acquaintaunce ; the great kinge 
and our captaine spent the time till the ebbe left our Barge a 
ground, then renuing their feasts and mirth, we quartred that 
night with Powhatan : The next day Newport came a shore, 
and received as much content as those people could give him. 
A boy named Thomas Savage was then given unto Powhatan, 
who Newport called his son, for whom Powhatan gave him 
Namontacke his trusty servant, and one of a shrewd subtill 
capacity. 3. or 4. dales were spent in feasting, dancing, and 
trading, wherin Powhatan carried himselfe so prowdly, yet 

* Evidently Anas Todkill. 



1608] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLIJSH COLONY 13o 

discreetly (in his Salvage manner), as made us all admire his 
natural gifts, considering his education. As scorning to trade 
as his subjects did, he bespake Newport in this manner. 

Captain Newport it is not agreable with my greatnes in this 
pedling manner to trade for trifles; and I esteeme you a great 
werowans. Therefore lay me down all your commodities togither, 
what I like I wall take, and in recompence give you that I thinke 
fitting their value. 

Captaine Smith being our interpreter, regarding Newport 
as his father, knowing best the disposition of Powhatan, told 
us his intent was but to cheat us ; yet captaine Newport thought 
to out-brave this Salvage in ostentation of greatnes, and so 
to bewitch him with his bounty, as to have what he hsted: 
but so it chanced, Powhatan ha\^ng his desire, valued his 
corne at such a rate, as I thinke it better cheape in Spaine, 
for we had not 4. bushels for that we expected 20. hogsheads 
[for]. This bred some unkindnes betweene our two captaines, 
Newport seeking to please the humor of the unsatiable Salvage, 
Smith to cause the Salvage to please him, but smothering his 
distast to avoide the Salvages suspition, glaunced in the eies 
of Powhatan many Trifles; who fixed his humour upon a 
few blew beads. A long time he importunatly desired 
them, but Smith seemed so much the more to affect them : so 
that ere we departed, for a pound or two of blew beads, he 
brought over my king for 2 or 300 bushels of corne, yet 
parted good friends. The hke entertainement we found 
of Opechanchynough, king of Pamaunke, whom also he 
in hke manner fitted (at the like rates) with blew beads: 
and so we returned to the fort.^ Where this New Supply 
being lodged with the rest, [had] accidently fired the 
quarters, and so the Towne, which being but thatched with 
reeds, the fire was so fierce as it burnt their pallizadoes (though 
10. to 12 yardes distant), with their armes, bedding, apparell, and 
much private provision. Good Mr Himt our preacher, los^ 

' On March 9, 1608. 



136 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1608 

all his library, and al that he had but the cloathes on his backe, 
yet [did] none ever see him repine at his losse. This hapned 
in the winter, in that extreame frost, 1 607 . ^ Now though we had 
victuall sufficient, I meane only of Oatmeale, meale, and corne, 
yet the ship staying there 14. weeks (when shee might as well 
have been gone in 14. dales), spent the beefe, porke, oile, 
aquavitse, fish, butter and cheese, beere, and such hke, as was 
provided to be landed us. When they departed, what their 
discretion could spare us, to make a feast or two with bisket, 
pork, beefe, fish, and oile, to reUsh our mouths ; of each some- 
what they left us, yet I must confess those that had either 
mony, spare clothes, credit to give bils of payment, gold rings, 
furres, or any such commodities, were ever welcome to this 
removing taverne. Such was our patience to obay such vile 
commanders, and buy our owne provision at 15 times the 
valew, suffering them feast, we bearing the charge, yet must 
not repine, but fast; and then leakage, ship-rats and other 
casualties occasioned the losse. But the vessell and remnants 
(for totals), we were glad to receive with all our hearts to make 
up the account, highly commending their providence for pre- 
serving that. For all this plentie, ourorchnarie was but meale 
and water ; so that this great charge little relieved our wants, 
whereby, with the extreamity of the bitter cold aire, more than 
halfe of us died, and tooke our deathes, in that piercing winter. 
I cannot deny but both Skrivener and Smith did their best to 
amend what was amisse,but with the President went the major 
part,^ that their homes were too short. But the worst mis- 
chiefe was our gilded refiners, with their golden promises, 
made all men their slaves in hope of recompence. There was 
no talke, no hope, nor worke, but dig gold, wash gold, refine 
gold, load gold. Such a brute of gold, as one mad fellow 
desired to bee buried in the sandes, least they should by their 
art make gold of his bones. Little need there was and lesse 
reason, the ship should stay, their wages run on, our victuall 
consume 14 weekes, that the Marriners might say, they 

» 1607-1608. ' The majority of the council 



1608] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 137 

built such a golden Church, that we can say, the raine 
washed neare to nothing in 14 dales. Were it that Captaine 
Smith would not applaud all those golden inventions, because 
they admitted him not to the sight of their trials, nor golden 
consultations I knowe not: but I heard him question with 
Captaine Martin and tell him, except he would shew him a 
more substantiall triall, hee was not inamored with their 
durtie skill. Breathing out these and many other passions, 
never any thing did more torment him, than to see all necessarie 
businesse neglected, to fraught such a drunken ship with so 
much gilded durt. Till then wee never accounted Captaine 
Newport a refiner, who being fit to set saile for England, and 
wee not having any use of Parliaments, plaies, petitions, ad- 
mirals, recorders, interpreters, chronologers, courts of plea, 
nor Justices of peace, sent M. Wingfield, and Captaine Archer 
with him, for England, to seeke some place of better imploi- 
ment. 

CHAPTER IV 

The arival of the Phoenix, her returne, and other accidents. 

The authoritie nowe consisting in refining Captaine Martin 
and the still sickly President, the sale of the stores com- 
modities maintained their estates as inheritable revenews. 
The spring approching, and the ship departed, M. Skrivener and 
Capt. Smith divided betwixt them the rebuilding our towne, 
the repairing our pallisadoes, the cutting downe trees, prepar- 
ing our fields, planting our corne, and to rebuild our Church, 
and re-cover our store-house. Al men thus busie at their 
severall labours, M. Nelson arived ^ with his lost Phoenix, (lost 
I say, for that al men deemed him lost), landing safely his men. 
So well hee had mannaged his ill hap, causing the Indian lies to 
feed his company, that his victuall (to ^ that was left us before) 
was sufficient for halfe a yeare. He had nothing but he freely 
imparted it, which honest dealing (being a rnarriner) caused 

' April 20, 1608. ' Added to. 



138 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1608 

US admire him. Wee would not have wished so much as he 
did for us. Nowe to relade this ship with some good tidings, 
the President (yet not withstanding ^ with his dignitie to leave 
the fort), gave order to Captaine Smith and M. Skrivener to dis- 
cover and search the commodities of Monacans countrie be- 
yound the Falles. 60 able men was allotted their number, the 
which, within 6 dales exercise, Smith had so well trained to 
their armes and orders, that they httle feared with whome they 
should encounter. Yet so unseasonable was the time, and so 
opposite was Captain Martin to every thing but only to fraught 
his ship also with his phantasticall gold, as Captaine Smith 
rather desired to relade her with Cedar, which was a present 
despatch, than either with durt, or the reports of an uncertaine 
disco verie. Whilst their conclusion was resolving, this hapned. 
Powhatan to expresse his love to Newport, when he de- 
parted, presented him with 20 Turkies, conditionally to re- 
turne him 20 Swords, which immediately were sent him.^ 
Now after his departure, hee presented Captaine Smith with 
the hke luggage, but not finding his humour obaied, in sending 
him weapons, he caused his people with 20. devises to obtain 
them. At last, by ambuscadoes at our very ports, they would 
take them perforce, surprise us at work or anyway, which was so 
long permitted that they became so insolent, there was no rule. 
The command from England was so straight not to offend them, 
as our authority bearers (keeping their houses) would rather be 
any thing then peace breakers. This charitable humor pre- 
vailed, till well it chaunced they medled with Captaine Smith, 
who, without farther dehberation, gave them such an incoun- 
ter, as some he so hunted up and downe the He, some he so 
terrified with wliipping beating and imprisonment, as for re- 
venge, they surprised two of his forraging disorderly souldiers, 
and having assembled their forces, boldly threatned at our 
ports to force Smith to redeliver 7 Salvages which for their 
villanies he detained prisoners. But to try their furies, in 

* /.e., it not standing. 

' " An ill example, to sell swords to Salvages," says the margin. 



1608] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 139 

lesse then halfe an houre, he so hampered their insolencies, 
that they brought the 2. prisoners, desiring peace without any 
farther composition for their prisoners, who being threatned 
and examined their intents, and plotters of their villanies, 
confessed they were directed only by Powhatan, to obtaine 
him our owne weapons to cut our own throats, with the man- 
ner how, where, and when, which wee plainelj^ found most 
true and apparant. Yet he sent his messengers and his dearest 
Daughter Pocahuntas to excuse him of the injuries done by his 
subjects, desiring their Uberties, with the assuraunce of his 
love. After Smith had given the prisoners what coiTection 
hee thought fit, used them well a day or two after, and then 
dehvered them [to] Pocahuntas, for w^hose sake only, he fained 
to save their lives and graunt them liberty. The patient 
Councel, that nothing would move to warre with the Salvages, 
would gladly have wrangled with captaine Smith for his cruelty, 
yet none was slaine to any mans knowledge, but it brought 
them ^ in such feare and obedience, as his very name would 
sufficiently affright them. The fraught of this ship being 
concluded to be Cedar, by the diligence of the Master, and 
captaine Smith, shee was quickly reladed; Mr Scrivener was 
neither Idle nor slow, to follow all things at the fort. The ship 
falling to the Cedar He, captaine Martin having made shift 
to be sicke neare a yeare, and now neither pepper, suger, 
cloves, mace, nor nugmets ^ ginger, nor sweet meates in the 
country : (to enjoy the credit of his supposed art) at his earnest 
request, was most willingly admitted to returne for England. 
Yet having beene there but a yeare, and not past halfe a year 
since the ague left him, that he might say somewhat he had 
scene, hee went twice by water to Paspahegh a place neere 7 
miles from James towne, but lest the dew should distemper 
him, was ever forced to returne before night. Thus much I 
thought fit to expresse, he expresly commanding me to record 
his journies, I being his man, and he sometimes my master. 

Thomas Studly, Anas Todkill. 

* The Indians. ' Nutmegs. 



140 



NABEATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA 



[1608 



Their names that were landed in this supply 
Matthew Scrivener, appointed to be of the Councell. 



Gent. 



Michaell Phetyplace. 

William Phetyplace. 

Ralfe Morton. 

William Cantrill. 

Richard Wyffin. 

Robert Barnes. 

George Hill. 

George Pretty. 

John Taverner. 

Robert Cutler. 

Michaell Sickelmore. 

Thomas Coo. 

Peter Pory. 

Richard Killingbeck. 

William Causey. 

Doctor Russell. 

Richard Worley. 

Richard Prodger. 

William Bayley. 

Richard Molynex. 

Richard Pots. 

Jefry Abots. 

John Harper. 

Timothy Leds. 

Edward Gurganay. 

George Forest. 

John Nickoles. 

William Gryvill. 

Daniel Stalling, Jueller. 

William Dawson, Refiner. 

Abraham Ransacke, Refiner. 

William Johnson, Goldsmith. 

Peter Keffer, a Gunner. 



ers. 



Robert Albert on, a Perfumer. 

Richard Belfield, Goldsmith. 

Ramon Goodyson. 

John Speareman. 

William Spence. 

Richard Brislow. 

William Simons. 

John Bouth. 

William Burket. 

Nicholas Ven. 

William Perce. 

Francis Perkins. 

Francis Perkins. | Labour- 

Wilham Bentley. 

Richard Gradon. 

Rowland Nelstrop. 

Richard Salvage. 

Thomas Salvage. 

Richard Miler. 

William May. 

Vere. 

Michaell. 

Bishop Wyles. 

John Powell. 

Thomas Hope. 

William Beckwith. 

William Yonge. 

Lawrence Towtales. 

William Ward. 

Christopher Rodes. 

James Watkings. 

Richard Fetherstone. 

James Burne. 



Tailers. 



1608] 



PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 



141 



Thomas Feld. 1 * ^i, 
John Harford.} ^P'^*^''^™^- 
Post Gittnat, a C[hir]urgion. 
John Lewes, a Couper. 
Robert Gotten, a Tobaco-pipe- 
maker. 



Richard Dole, a blacke Smith 
and divers others, to the 
number of 120. 



CHAPTER V 



The accidents that happened in the Discoverie of the hay. 

The prodigaHty of the Presidents state went so deepe in 
the store, that Smith and Scrivener had a while tyed both 
Martin and him to the rules of proportion, but now Smith 
being to depart, the Presidents authorite so overswayed Mr 
Scriveners discretion, as our store, our time, our strength and 
labours, was idlely consumed to fulfill his phantasies. The 
second of June 1608. Smith left the fort, to performe his dis- 
coverie ; with this company. 

Walter Russell Doctour of Physicke. 



Ralp Morton. 
Thomas Momford. 
William Cantrill. 
Richard Fetherstone. 
James Bourne. 
Michael Sicklemore. 



Gent. 



Sould. 



Anas Todkill. 

Robert Small. 

James Watkins. 

John Powell. 

James Read, blacke smith. 

Richard Keale, fishmonger. 

Jonas Profit, fisher. 



These being in an open barge of two tunnes burthen, leav- 
ing the Phenix at Cape-Henry, we crossed the bay to the 
Easterne shore, and fell with the lies called Smiths Iles.^ 
The first people we saw were 2. grimme and stout Salvages 

* In 1611 Sir Thomas Dale established a settlement under Lieutenant 
Craddock at Smith's Island near Cape Charles for the purpose of making 
salt out of sea-water. He called this settlement ''Dale's Gift." 



142 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1608 

upon Cape-Charles, with long poles like Javelings, headed with 
bone. They boldly demanded what we were, and what we 
would, but after many eircumtances, they in time seemed very 
kinde, and directed us to Acawmacke, the habitation of the 
Werowans, where we were kindly intreated. This king was the 
comliest proper civill Salvage wee incountred. His country is 
a pleasant fertill clay-soile. Hee told us of a straunge accident 
lately happened him, and it was : Two deade children, by the 
extreame passions of their parents, or some dreaming visions, 
phantasie, or affection moved them againe to revisit their dead 
carkases, whose benummed bodies reflected to the eies of the 
beholders such pleasant delightfull countenances, as though 
they had regained their vital spirits. This, as a miracle, drew 
many to behold them: all which, (being a great part of his 
people) not long after died, and not any one escaped. They 
spake the language of Powhatan wherein they made such de- 
scriptions of the bay, lies, and rivers that often did us exceed- 
ing pleasure. Passing along the coast, searching every inlet 
and bay fit for harbours and habitations: seeing many lies 
in the midst of the bay, we bore up for them, but ere wee could 
attaine them, such an extreame gust of wind, raine, thunder, 
and lightning happened, that with great daunger, we escaped 
the unmercifull raging of that ocean-like water. The next 
day, searching those inhabitable lies (which we called Russels 
Isles) to provide fresh water, the defect whereof forced us to 
follow the next Easterne channell, which brought us to the 
river Wighcocomoco. The people at first with great furie 
seemed to assault us, yet at last with songs, daunces, and much 
mirth, became very tractable. But searching their habitations 
for water, wee could fill but 3,^ and that such puddle that never 
til then wee ever knew the want of good water. We digged 
and search many places but ere the end of two daies, wee would 
have refused two barricoes of gold for one of that puddle water 
of Wighcocomoco. Being past these Isles, falling with a high 
land upon the maine, wee found a great pond of fresh water, 

* Ix,, three barricoes. 



lti08] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 143 

but so exceeding hot, that we supposed it some bath. That 
place we called Point ployer. Being thus refreshed, in crossing 
over from the maine to other lies, the wind and waters so much 
increased with thunder lightning and raine, that our fore-mast 
blew overbord, and such mightie waves overwrought us in that 
smal barge, that with great labour wee kept her from sinking, 
by freeing out the water. 2 dales we were inforced to inhabit 
these uninhabited lies, which (for the extremitie of gusts, 
thunder, raine, stormes, and il weather) we called Limbo. 
Repairing our fore saile with our shirts, we set saile for the 
maine, and fel with a faire river on the East called Kuskarana- 
ocke. By it inhabit the people of Soraphanigh, Nause, Arsek, 
and Nautaquake, that much extolled a great nation called 
Massawomekes, in search of whome wee returned by Limbo. 
But finding this easterne shore shallow broken Hes, and the 
maine for most part without fresh water, we passed by the 
straights of Limbo, for the weasterne shore. So broad is the 
bay here, that we could scarse perceive the great high Cliffes 
on the other side. By them, wee ancored that night, and called 
them Richards Cliffes. 30 leagues we sailed more Northwards, 
not finding any inhabitants, yet the coast well watred, the 
mountaines very barren, the vallies very fertil, but the woods 
extreame thicke, full of Woolves, Beares, Deare, and other 
wild beasts. The first inlet we found, wee called Bolus, for 
that the clay (in many places) was like (if not) Bole-Armoni- 
acke. Allien we first set saile, some of our gallants doubted 
nothing, but that our Captaine would make too much hast 
home. But having lien not above 12 dales in this smal Barge, 
oft tired at their oares, their bread spoiled with wet, so much 
that it was rotten (yet so good were their stomacks that they 
could digest it), did with continuall complaints so importune 
him now to returne, as caused him bespeak them in this manner. 

Gentlemen, if you would remember the memorable historie 
of Sir Ralfe Lane, how his company importuned him to proceed 
in the discoverie of Morattico, alleaging, they had yet a dog, that 
being boyled with Saxafras leaves, would richly feed them in their 



144 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1608 

returnes; what shame would it be for you (that have beene so 
suspitious of my tendernesse) to force me returne with a months 
provision, scarce able to say where we have bin, nor yet heard of 
that wee were sent to seeke. You cannot say but I have shared 
with you of the worst ^ is past ; and for what is to come, of lodging, 
diet, or whatsoever, I am contented you allot the worst part to 
my self e. As for your f eares, that I will lose my self e in these un- 
knowne large waters, or be swallowed up in some stormie gust, 
abandon those childish feares, for worse then is past cannot happen, 
and there is as much danger to returne, as to proceed forward. 
Regaine therefore your old spirits; for returne I wil not, (if God 
assist me) til I have seene the Massawomekes, found Patawomeck, 
or the head of this great water you conceit to be endlesse. 

3 or 4 daies we expected ^ wind and weather, whose adverse 
extreamities added such discouragements to our discontents 
as 3 or 4 fel extreame sicke, whose pitiful complaints caused 
us to returne, leaving the bay some 10 miles broad at 9 or 10 
fadome water. 

The 16 of June, we fel with the river of Patawomeck. 
Feare being gon, and our men recovered, wee were all contente 
to take some paines to knowe the name of this 9 mile broad 
river. We could see no inhabitants for 30 myles saile. Then 
we were conducted by 2 Salvages up a little bayed creeke 
tow^ard Onawmament, where all the woods were laid with 
Ambuscadoes to the number of 3 or 400 Salvages, but so 
strangely painted, grimed, and disguised, showting, yelling, 
and crying, as we rather supposed them so many divels. They 
made many bravadoes, but to appease their furie, our Captaine 
prepared (with a seeming willingnesse, as they) to encounter 
them. The grazing of the bullets upon the river, with the 
ecco of the woods so amazed them, as down went their bowes 
and arrowes; and exchanging hostage, James Watkins was 
sent 6. myles up the woods, to their kings habitation. Wee 
were kindly used by these Salvages, of whom we understood, 
they were commaunded to betray us, by Powhatanf direction, 

' After ''worst" supply "that." ^ Experienced. 



1608] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 145 

and hee so directed from the discontents of James towne. 
The like incounters we found at Patawomeck, Cecocawone, 
and divers other places; but at Moyaones, Nacothtant, and 
Taux, the people did their best to content us. The cause of 
this discovery was to search a glistering mettal, the Salvages 
told us they had from Patawomeck (the which Newport as- 
sured that he had tryed ^ to hold halfe silver), also to search 
what furres, metals, rivers, Rockes, nations, woods, fishings, 
fruits, victuals, and other commodities the land afforded, and 
whether the bay were endlesse, or how farre it extended. 
The mine we found 9 or 10 myles up in the country from the 
river, but it proved of no value. ^ Some Otters, Beavers, 
Martins, Luswarts, and sables we found and, in diverse places, 
that abundance of fish lying so thicke with their heads above 
the water, as for want of nets (our barge driving amongst 
them) we attempted to catch them with a frying pan ; but we 
found it a bad instrument to catch fish with. Neither better 
fish, more plenty or variety, had any of us ever scene in any 
place, swimming in the water, then in the bay of Chesapeack, 
but there not to be caught with frying-pans. To expresse 
al our quarrels, treacheries and incounters amongst those 
Salvages, I should be too tedious; but in briefe, at al times 
we so incountred them and curbed their insolencies, as they 
concluded with presents to purchase peace, yet wee lost not 
a man. At our first meeting, our captaine ever observed this 
order, to demaunde their bowes and arrowes, swords, mantles, 
or furres, with some childe for hostage: whereby he could 
quickly perceive when they intended any villany. 

Having finished this discovery, (though our victuall was 
neare spent) he intended to have scene his imprisonments 
acqaintance upon the river of Toppahannock. But our boate 
(by reason of the ebbe) chansing to ground upon a many 
shoules lying in the entrance, we spied many fishes lurking 
amongst the weedes on the sands. Our captaine sporting 
himselfe to catch them by nailing them to the ground with 

^ Tested. * "Antimony," says the margjin. 



146 NAKKATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1608 

his sword, set us all a fishing in that manner. By this devise, 
we tooke more in an houre then we all could eat. But it 
chanced, the captaine taking a fish from his sword (not know- 
ing her condition), being much of the fashion of a thornebacke 
with a longer taile whereon is a most poysoned sting of 2. or 
3. inches long, which shee strooke an inch and halfe into the 
wrist of his arme. The which, in 4. houres, had so extreamly 
swolne his hand, arme, shoulder, and part of his body, as we 
al with much sorrow concluded ^ his fmierall, and prepared his 
grave in an He hard by (as himself e appointed), which then 
wee called Stingeray He, after the name of the fish. Yet by 
the helpe of a precious oile, Doctour Russel applyed, ere night 
his tormenting paine was so wel asswag(Bd that he eate the 
fish to his supper: which gave no lesse joy and content to us, 
then ease to himself e. Having neither Surgeon nor surgerie 
but that preservative oile, we presently set saile for James 
Towne. Passing the mouth of Pyankatanck and Pamaunke 
rivers, the next day we safely arrived at Kecoughtan. The 
simple Salvages seeing our captaine hurt, and another bloudy 
(which came by breaking his shin), our number of bowes, 
arrowes, swords, targets, mantles and furs, would needs 
imagine we had bin at warres. The truth of these accidents 
would not satisfie them; but impaciently they importuned 
us to know with whom wee fought. Finding their aptnes to 
beleeve, we failed not (as a great secret) to tel them any thing 
that might affright them, what spoile wee had got and made of 
the Masawomeekes. This rumor went faster up the river then 
our barge. That arrived at Weraskoyack, the 20 of Julie, 
where trimming her with painted streamers and such devises, 
we made the Fort jealious of a Spanish frigot; where we ali 
safely arrived the 21. of July. There wee found the Last 
Supply al sicke ; the rest, some lame, some bruised, al unable 
to do any thing but complain of the pride and unreasonable 
needlesse cruelty of their sillie President ^ that had riotously 
consumed the store; and to fulfill his follies, about building 

^ Anticipated. 2 Ratcliffe. 



1608] PKOCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 147 

him an iinnecessarie pallas in the woodes, had brought them 
all to thatmiserie, that had not we arrived, they had as strangely 
tormented him with revenge. But the good newes of our dis- 
covery, and the good hope we had (by the Salvages relation) 
our Bay had stretched to the South sea, appeased their fury ; 
but conditionally that Ratliffe should be deposed, and that 
captaine Smith would take upon him the governement. Their 
request being effected, hee substituted Mr Scrivener, his deare 
friend, in the Presidencie ; equally distributing those private 
provisions the other[s] had ingrossed ; appointing more honest 
officers to assist Scrivener (who the [n] layextreamelie tormented 
with a callenture) : ^ and in regard of the weaknes of the com- 
pany, and heat of the yeare, they being unable to worke, he 
left them to live at ease, but imbarked himselfe to finish his 
disco verie. 

Written by Walter Russell and Anas Todkill. 



CHAPTER VI 

What happened the second voyage to discover the Bay. 

The 20.^ of July, Captaine Smith set forward to finish the 
discovery, with 12. men. Their names were 



Nathaniell Powell. 
Thomas Momford. 
Richard Fetherstone. 
Michaell Sicklemore. 
James Bourne. 



Gent. 



Anas Todkill. 
Edward Pysing. 
Richard Keale. 
Anthony Bagnall. 
James Watkins. 

William W^ard. 
Jonas Profit. 



Sould. 



The winde beeing contrary, caused our stay 2 or 3 dales 
at Kecoughtan, the werowans feastmg us with much mirth. 
His people were perswaded we went purposely to be revenged 



^ Fever. 



» Or rather 24th. 



148 NAREATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1608 

of the Massawomeckes. In the evening, we firing 2. or 3. 
rackets, so terrified the poore Salvages, they supposed nothing 
impossible wee attempted, and desired to assist us. The first 
night, we anchored at Stingeray He, the next day, crossed 
Patawomecks river, and hasted for the river Bolus. Wee 
went not much farther, before wee might perceive the Bay to 
devide in 2. heads, and arriving there, we founde it devided 
in 4, all which we searched so far as we could saile them. 2. of 
them wee found uninhabited, but in crossing the bay to the 
other, wee incountered 7. or 8. Canowes-full of Massawomecks. 
We seeing them prepare to assault us, left our oares, and made 
way with our saile to incounter them, yet were we but five 
(with our captaine) could stand ; [f ]or within 2. dales after wee 
left Kecoughtan, the rest (being all of the Last Supply) were 
sicke almost to death (untill they were seasoned to the countiy). 
Having shut them under our tarpawling, we put their hats 
upon stickes by the barge side, to make us seeme many. And 
so we thinke the Indians supposed those hats to be men, for 
they fled with all possible speed to the shoare, and there stayed, 
staring at the sailing of our barge, till we anchored right against 
them. Long it was ere we could drawe them to come imto 
us. At last, they sent 2 of their company unarmed in a 
Canowe : the rest all followed to second them, if need required. 
These 2 being but each presented with a bell, brought aborde 
all their fellowes, presenting the captain with venison, beares 
flesh, fish, bowes, arrows, clubs, targets, and beare-skins. 
Wee understood them nothing at all but by signes, whereby 
they signified unto us they had been at warres with the Tock- 
woghs, the which they confirmed by shewing their green 
wounds. But the night parting us, we imagined they appointed 
the next morning to meete, but after that we never saw them. 
Entring the River of Tockwogh, the Salvages all armed in 
a fleete of Boates round invironed us. It chanced one of them 
could speake the language of Powhatan, who perswaded the 
rest to a friendly parly. But when they see us furnished 
with the Massawomeckes weapons, and we faining the inven- 
tion of Kecoughtan to have taken them perforce; they con- 



1608] PKOCEEDmOS OF THE El^GLISH COLONY 149 

ducted us to their pallizadoed towne, mantelled with the barkes 
of trees, with Scaffolds like mounts, brested about with Barks 
very formally. Their men, women, and children, with dances, 
songs, fruits, fish, furres, and what they had, kindly entertained 
us, spreading mats for us to sit on, stretching their best abilities 
to expresse their loves. 

Many hatchets, knives, and peeces of yron and brasse, 
we see, which they reported to have from the Sasquesahan- 
ockes, a mighty people, and mortall enimies with the Massa- 
womeckes. The Sasquesahanocks inhabit upon the chief e 
spring of these 4., two dales journey higher then our Barge 
could passe for rocks. Yet we prevailed with the interpreter 
to take with him an other interpreter to perswade the Sas- 
quesahanocks to come to visit us, for their language are differ- 
ent. 3. or 4. dales we expected their returne. Then 60. of 
these giantlike-people came downe, with presents of venison. 
Tobacco pipes. Baskets, Targets, Bowes and Arrows. 5 
of their Werowances came boldly abord us, to crosse the 
bay for Tockwogh, leaving their men and Canowes, the winde 
being so violent that they durst not passe.^ 

Our order was, dayly, to have prayer, with a psalm, at 
which solemnitie the poore Salvages much wondered. Our 
prayers being done, they were long busied with consultation 
till they had contrived their businesse. Then they began 
in most passionate manner, to hold up their hands to the sunne, 
with a most feareful song. Then imbracing the Captaine, 
they began to adore him in like manner: though he rebuked 
them, yet they proceeded til their song was finished. Which 
don, with a most strange furious action, and a hellish voice, 
began an oration of their loves. That ended, with a great 
painted beares skin, they covered our Captaine. Then one 
ready with a chaine of white beads (waighing at least 6 or 7 
pound) hung it about his necke; the others had 18 mantles 
made of divers sorts of skinnes sowed together. All these, 
with many other toyes, they laid at his feet, stroking their 

* /.e., durst not attempt to cross in canoes. 



150 NAKIIATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1608 

ceremonious handes about his necke, for his creation to be 
their governour, promising their aids, victuals, or what they 
had, to be his, if he would stay with them, to defend and re- 
venge them of the Massawomecks. But wee left them atTock- 
wogh, they much sorrowing for our departure, yet wee prom- 
ised the next yeare againe to visit them. Many descriptions 
and discourses they made us of Atquanahucke, Massawomecke, 
and other people, signifying they inhabit the river of Cannida, !i 
and from the French to have their hatchets and such like 
tooles by trade/ These knowe no more of the territories of 
Powhatan then his name, and he as little of them. 

Thus having sought all the inlets and rivers worth noting, 
we returned to discover the river of Pawtuxunt. These 
people we found very tractable, and more civill then any. 
Wee promised them, as also the Patawomecks, the next 
yeare to revenge them of the Massawomecks. Our purposes 
were crossed in the discoverie of the river of Toppahannock, 
for wee had much wrangling with that peevish nation; but 
at last, they became as tractable as the rest. It is an excellent, 
pleasant, well inhabited, fertill, and a goodly navigable river. 
Toward the head thereof, it pleased God to take one of our sicke 
(called M. Fetherstone), where in Fetherstons bay, we buried 
him, in the night, with a volly of shot. The rest (notwithstand- 
ing their ill diet, and bad lodging, crowded in so small a barge, 
in so many dangers, never resting but alwaies tossed to and 
againe) al well recovered their healthes. Then we discovered 
the river of Payankatank, and set saile for James Towne. 
But in crossing the bay in a faire calme, such a suddaine gust 
surprised us in the night, with thunder and raine, as wee were 
halfe imployed in freeing out water, never thinking to escape 
drowning; yet running before the winde, at last we made 
land by the flashes of fire from heaven, by which light only, 
we kept from the splitting shore, until it pleased God in that 
black darknes, to preserve us by that light to find Point com- 

* In the previous month, July, 1608, Champlain had laid the foundations 
of Quebec. See Voyages of Champlain, in this series, pp. 131, 132. 



1608] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 161 

fort. And arived safe at James Towne, the 7 of September, 
1608 : where wee found M. Skrivener and diverse others well 
recovered, many dead, some sicke ; the late President prisoner 
for muteny ; by the honest diligence of Master Skrivener, the 
harvest gathered ; but the stores provision much spoiled with 
raine. Thus was that yeare (when nothing wanted) con- 
sumed and spent, and nothing done (such was the government 
of Captain Ratliffe) but only this discoverie: wherein to 
expresse all the dangers, accidents, and incounters, this small 
number passed in that small barge, with such watrie diet in 
these great waters and barbarous Countries (til then to any 
Christian utterly unknowne) I rather referre their merit to 
the censure^ of the courteous and experienced reader, than 
I would be tedious, or partiall being a partie. 

By Nathaniell Poell, and Anas Todkill. 



CHAPTER VII 

The Presidencie surrendred to Captaine Smith. The arrivall 
and returne of the second supply: and what happened. 

The 10. of September 1608. by the election of the Councel, 
and request of the company, Captaine Smith received the let- 
ters patents, and tooke upon him the place of President, which 
till then by no meanes he would accept, though hee were often 
importuned thereunto. Now the building of Ratcliffes pallas 
staide, as a thing needlesse : the church was repaired, the store- 
house re-covered ; building prepared for the supply we expected. 
The fort reduced to the forme of this figure,^ the order of watch 
renued, the squadrons (each setting of the watch) trained. 
The whole company every Satturday exercised in a fielde pre- 
pared for that purpose ; the boates trimmed for trade, which 



1 



Judgment 



^"Quere," says the margin, indicating that the drawing suggested in 
the manuscript had not reached the printer. 



152 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1608 

in their Journey encountred the second supply, that brought 
them back to discover the country of Monacan. How, or why 
Captaine Newport obtained such a private commission as not 
to returne without a lumpe of gold, a certainty of the south 
sea, or one of the lost company of Sir Walter Rawley, I know 
not, nor why he brought such a 5. pieced barge, not to beare 
us to that south sea, till we had borne her over the moun- 
taines (which how farre they extend is yet unknowne). As 
for the coronation of Powhatan, and his presents of Bason, 
Ewer, Bed, Clothes, and such costly novelties, they had bin 
much better well spared, then so ill spent: for we had his 
favour much better onlie for a poore peece of Copper, till this 
stately kinde of soliciting made him so much overvalue him- 
self e, that he respected us as much as nothing at all. As for the 
hiring of the Poles and Dutch, to make pitch and tarre, glasse, 
milles, and sope-ashes, was most necessarie and well. But 
to send them and seaventy more without victuall, to worke, 
was not so well considered; yet this could not have hurt us, 
had they bin 200., though then we were 130 that wanted for 
our selves. For we had the Salvages in that Decorum, (their 
harvest beeing newly gathered) that we feared not to get vic- 
tual sufficient, had w^e bin 500. Now was there no way to 
make us miserable but to neglect that time to make our provi- 
sion, whilst it was to be had ; the which was done to perfourme 
this strange discovery, but more strange coronation. To loose 
that time, spend that victuall we had, tire and starve our men, 
having no means to carry victuall, munition, the hurt or sicke, 
but their owne backs, how or by whom they were invented I 
know not. But Captaine Newport we only accounted the au- 
thor, who to effect these projects, had so gilded all our hopes with 
great promises, that both company and Councel concluded ^ 
his resolution. I confessewe little understood then our estates, 
to conclude his conclusion against al the inconveniences the 
foreseeing President alleadged. There was added to the coun- 
cell, one Captaine Waldo, and Captaine Winne, two ancient 

^ Adopted. 



Ifl08] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 153 

souldiers and valiant gentlemen, but ignorant of the busines, 
being newly arrived. Ratcliffe was also permitted to have 
his voice, and Mr Scrivener desirous to see strange countries. 
So that although Smith was President, yet the Councell had 
the authoritie, and ruled it as they listed. As for cleering 
Smiths objections, how pitch, and tarre, wanscot, clapbord, 
glasse, and sope ashes could be provided to relade the ship; 
or provision got to live withal when none was in the Country, 
and that which we had, spent before the ships departed: 
The answer was, Captaine Newport undertook to fraught the 
Pinnace with corne, in going and returning in his discoverie, 
and to refraught her againe from Werawocomoco ; also prom- 
ising a great proportion of victuall from his ship, inferring that 
Smiths propositions were only devises to hinder his journey, to 
effect it himselfe ; and that the crueltie Smith had used to the 
Salvages in his absence, might occasion them to hinder his 
designes. For which, al workes were left, and 120 chosen 
men were appointed for his guard. And Smith, to make cleere 
these seeming suspicions, that the Salvages were not so des- 
perat as was pretended by Captaine Newport, and how willing 
he was to further them to effect their projects, because the coro- 
nation would consume much time, undertooke their message 
to Powhatan (to intreat him to come to James Towne to receive 
his presents) accompanied only with Captaine Waldo, M. 
Andrew Buckler, Edward Brinton, and Samuel Collier. With 
these 4, hee went overland against Werawocomoco, there passed 
the river of Pamaunke in the Salvages Canowes, Powhatan 
being 30 myles of[f], who presentl} was sent for. In the 
meane time, his women entertained &mith in this manner. 

In a faire plaine field, they made a fire, before which, he 
sitting uppon a mat, suddainly amongst the woods was heard 
such a hideous noise and shriking, that they betooke them to 
their armes, supposing Powhatan with all his power came to 
surprise them; but the beholders, which were many, men 
women and children, satisfied the Captaine there was no such 
matter, being presently presented with this anticke. 30 
young women came naked out of the woods (only covered 



164 NARRATIVES OJ? EARLY VIRGINIA [1608 

behind and before with a few greene leaves), their bodies al 
painted, some white, some red, some black, some partie col- 
our, but every one different. Their leader had a faire paire 
of stagges homes on her head, and an otter skinne at her 
girdle, another at her arme, a quiver of arrowes at her backe, 
and bow and arrowes in her hand. The next, in her hand a 
sword, another, a club, another a pot-stick, all hornd alike. 
The rest, every one with their severall devises. These feindes, 
with most hellish cries and shouts, rushing from amongst 
the trees, cast themselves in a ring about the fire, singing and 
dauncing with excellent ill varietie, oft falling into their infer- 
nall passions, and then solemnely againe to sing and daunce. 
Having spent neere an houre, in this maskarado; as they 
entered, in like manner departed. Having reaccomodated 
themselves, they solemnely invited Smith to their lodging, 
but no sooner was hee within the house, but all these Nimphes 
more tormented him than ever, with crowding, and pressing, 
and hanging upon him, most tediously crying, love you not mee. 
This salutation ended, the feast was set, consisting of fruit in 
baskets, fish and flesh in wooden platters, beans and pease 
there wanted not (for 20 hogges), nor any Salvage daintie their 
invention could devise ; some attending, others singing and danc- 
ing about them. This mirth and banquet being ended, with fire- 
brands (instead of torches) they conducted him to his lodging. 
The next day, came Powhatan. Smith delivered his mes- 
sage of the presents sent him, and redelivered him Namon- 
tack, desiring him come to his Father Newport to accept those 
presents, and conclude their revenge against the Monacans. 
Whereunto the subtile balvage thus replied 

If your king have sent me presents, I also am a king, and this 
my land. 8 dales I will stay to receave them. Your father is 
to come to me, not I to him, nor yet to your fort, neither will I bite 
at such a baite. As for the Monacans, I can revenge my owne 
injuries, and as for Atquanuchuck, where you say your brother 
was slain, it is a contrary way from those parts you suppose it. 
But for any salt water beyond the mountaines, the relations you 
have had from my people are false. 



1608] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 155 

Whereupon he began to draw plots upon the ground, 
according to his discourse, of all those regions. Many other 
discourses they had (yet both desirous to give each other con- 
tent in Complementall courtesies), and so Captaine Smith 
returned with this answer. 

Upon this Captaine Newport sent his presents by water, 
which is neare 100 miles, with 50 of the best shot himselfe 
went by land, which is but 12 miles, where he met with our 
3 barges to transport him over. All things being fit for the 
day of his coronation, the presents were brought, his bason, 
ewer, bed and furniture set up, his scarlet cloake and apparel 
(with much adoe) put on him, (being perswaded by Namontacke 
they would doe him no hurt). But a fowle^ trouble there was 
to make him kneele to receave his crowne. He, neither 
knowing the majestie nor meaning of a Crowne, nor bending 
of the knee, indured so many perswasions, examples, and in- 
structions, as tired them all. At last, by leaning hard on his 
shoulders, he a little stooped, and Newport put the Crowne 
on his head ; when, by the warning of a pistoll, the boates were 
prepared with such a volly of shot, that the king start up 
in a horrible feare, till he saw all was well. Then remembring 
himselfe, to congratulate their kindnesse, he gave his old shoes 
and his mantle to Captain Newport. But perceiving his 
purpose was to discover the Monacans, hee laboured to divert 
his resolution, refusing to lend him either men or guides more 
then Namontack. And so, after some complementall kind- 
nesse on both sides, in requitall of his presents, he presented 
Newport with a heape of wheat eares, that might contain 
7 or 8 bushels, and as much more we bought, ready dressed, 
in the town, wherewith we returned to the fort. 

The ship having disburdened her selfe of 70 persons, with 
the first gentlewoman and woman servant that arrived in our 
Colony; Captaine Newport with al the Councell, and 120 
chosen men, set forward for the discovery of Monacan, leaving 
the President at the fort with 80. (such as they were) to relade 

* Great. 



156 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA L1608 

the shippe. Arriving at the falles, we marched by land some 
forty myles in 2 daies and a halfe, and so returned downe to 
the same path we went. Two townes wee discovered of the 
Monacans, the people neither using us well nor ill, yet for our 
securitie wee tooke one of their pettie Werowances, and lead 
him bound, to conduct us the way. And in our returne 
searched many places wee supposed mynes, about which we 
spent some time in refining, having one William Callicut a 
refiner, fitted for that purpose. From that crust of earth wee 
digged, hee perswaded us to beleeve he extracted some smal 
quantitie of silver (and not unlikely better stuffe might bee 
had for the digging). With this poore trial, we were contented 
to leave this faire, fertill, well watred countrie. Comming 
to the Falles, the Salvages fained there were diverse ships 
come into the Bay to kill them at James Towne. Trade they 
would not, and find their corn we could not, for they had hid 
it in the woods ; and being thus deluded, we arrived at James 
Towne, halfe sicke, all complaining and tired with toile famine 
and discontent to have only but discovered our gilded hopes, 
and such fruitlesse certaineties, as the President foretold us. 
No sooner were we landed, but the President dispersed 
many as were able, some for glasse, others for pitch, tarre, and 
sope ashes, leaving them with the fort,^ to the Councels over- 
sight. But 30 of us he conducted 5. myles from the fort to 
learn to make clapboard, cut downe trees, and ly in woods. 
Amongst the rest, he had chosen Gabriell Beadell, and John 
Russell the only two gallants of this last supply, and both 
proper gentlemen. Strange were these pleasures to their 
conditions ; yet lodging, eating, drinking, working, or playing, 
they doing but as the President, all these things were carried 
so pleasantly, as within a weeke, they became Masters, making 
it their delight to heare the trees thunder as they fell. But 
the axes so oft blistered their tender fingers, that commonly 
everv third blow had a lowd oath to drowne the eccho; for 
remedy of which sin, the President devised ho we to have 
everie mans oathes numbered, and at night, for every oath 

^ I.e.y those who were at the fort. 



1008] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 167 

to have a can of water powred downe his sleeve. With which, 
every offender was so washed (himselfe and all) that a man 
should scarse heare an oath in a weeke. 

By this, let no man think that the President, or these 
gentlemen spent their times as common wood-hackers at 
felling of trees, or such like other labours, or that they were 
pressed to anything as hirelings or common slaves; for what 
they did (being but once a little inured), it seemed, and they 
conceited it, only r.3 a pleasure and a recreation. Yet 30 or 
40 of such voluntary Gentlemen would doe more in a day then 
100 of the rest that must bee prest to it by compulsion.^ Mas- 
ter Scrivener, Captaine Waldo, and Captaine Winne at the 
fort ; every one in like manner, carefully regarded their charge. 
The President, returning from amongst the woodes, seeing 
the time consumed, and no provision gotten, (and the ship 
lay Idle, and would do nothing), presently imbarked himselfe 
in the discovery barge, giving order to the Councell, to send 
Mr Persey ^ after him, with the next barge that arrived at the 
fort. 2 barges he had himselfe, and 20 men. But arriving 
at Chickahamina, that dogged nation was too wel acquainted 
with our wants, refusing to trade with as much scorne and 
insolencie as they could expresse. The President perceiving 
it was Powhatans pollicy to starve us, told them he came not so 
much for their corne, as to revenge his imprisonment, and the 
death of his men murdered by them.^ And so landing his men, 
and ready to charge them, they immediately fled. But then 
they sent their imbassadours, with corne, fish, fowl, or what 
they had, to make their peace ; (their corne being that year 
bad) they complained extreamly of their owne wants, yet 
fraughted our boats with 100 bushels of corne, and in like man- 
ner Mr Persies, that not long after us arrived. They having 
done the best they could to content us, within 4. or 5. daies, 
we returned to James Towne. 

* "One gentleman better than 20 lubbers," says the margin. 
' George Percy, author of the Observations printed at the beginning of 
this volume. 

' I.e., on his trip up the Chickahominy in December, 1607. 



158 NABKATIVES OF EARLY VIBGINIA [1608 

Though this much contented the company (that then 
feared nothing but starving) yet some so envied his good suc- 
ccsse, that they rather desired to starve, then his paines should 
prove so much more effectuall then theirs. Some projects 
there was, not only to have deposed him but to have kept him 
out of the fort, for that being President, he would leave his 
place and the fort without their consents; but their homes 
were so much too short to effect it, as they themselves more 
narrowly escaped a greater mischief e. 

All this time our old taverne ^ made as much of all them 
that had either mony or ware as could bee desired; and by 
this time they were become so perfect on all sides (I meane 
Souldiers, Sailers, and Salvages,) as there was ten times more 
care to maintaine their damnable and private trade, then to 
provide for the Colony things that were necessary. Neither 
was it a small poUicy in the mariners, to report in England wee 
had such plenty, and bring us so many men without victuall, 
when they had so many private factors in the fort, that within 
6. or 7. weekes after the ships returne, of 2. or 300. hatchets, 
chissels, mattocks, and pickaxes, scarce 20 could be found; 
for pike-heads, knives, shot, powder, or any thing (they could 
steale from their fellowes) was vendible. They knew as well 
(and as secretly) how to convay them to trade with the Sal- 
vages, for furres, baskets, mussaneekes,^ young beastes, for 
such like commodities, as exchange them with the sailers, for 
butter, cheese, biefe, porke, aquavitse, beere, bisket, and oat- 
meale, and then faine, all was sent them from their friends. 
And though Virginia afford no furs for the store, yet one 
mariner in one voyage hath got so many, as hee hath con- 
fessed to have solde in England for 301. 

Those are the Saint-seeming worthies of Virginia, that 
have notwithstanding all this, meate, drinke, and pay; but 
now they begin to grow weary, their trade being both perceived 
and prevented. None hath bin in Virginia (that hath not 

* Referring to trade conducted despite the orders of the council. 
^ Squirrels. 



1608] 



PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH CULONY 



169 



observed any thing) which knowes not this to be true, and yet 
the scorne and shame was the poore souldiers, gentlemen, and 
carelesse governours, who were all thus bought and solde, 
the adventurers cousened,^ and the action overthrowne by 
their false excuses, informations, and directions. By this let 
all the world Judge how this businesse coulde prosper, being 
thus abused by such pilfering occasions. 

The 'proceedings and accidents, with the second supply. 

Mr Scrivener was sent with the barges and Pinas to Wera- 
wocomoco, where he found the Salvages more ready to fight 
then trade, but his vigilancy was such, as prevented their 
projectes, and by the meanes of Namontack, got 3. or 4. hogs- 
heads of corne, and as much Red paint, which (then) was 
esteemed an excellent die. 

Captaine Newport being dispatched with the tryals of 
pitch, tarre, glasse, frankincense, and sope ashes, with that 
clapbord and wainscot [which] could bee provided, met with 
Mr Scrivener at point Comfort, and so returned for England, 
leaving us in all 200, with those hee brought us. 

The names of those in this supply are these. 

Captaine Peter Winne. 1 were appointed to bee of the 
Captaine Richard Waldo. J Councell. 



Mr Francis West. 
Thomas Graves. 
Rawley Chroshaw. 
Gabriell Bedle. 
John Russell. 
John Bedle. 
William Russell. 
John Gudderington. 
William Sambage. 
Henry CoUings. 



Gent. 



Henry Ley. 
Harmon Haryson. 
Daniell Tucker. 
Hugh Wollystone. 
John Hoult. 
Thomas Norton. 
George Yarington. 
George Burton. 
Henry Philpot. 
Thomas Maxes. 



)-Gent. 



Cheated. 



160 



KAERATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA 



[1608 



Michaell Lowicke. 
xMr Hunt. 
Thomas Forest. 
William Dowman. 
John Dauxe. 
Thomas Abbay. 

Thomas Phelps. 
John Part. 
John Clarke. 
Jefry Shortridge. 
Dius Oconor. 
Hugh Wynne. 
Davi Uphu. 
Thomas Bradley. 
John Burras. 
Thomas Lavander. 
Henry Bell. 



Gent. 



Tradesm.^ 



Master Powell. 
Davi Ellys. 
Thomas Gipson. 

Thomas Dowse. 

Thomas Mallard. 

William Taler. 

Thomas Fox. 

Nicholas Hancock. 

Walker. 

Williams. 

Morrell. 

Rose. 

Scot. 

Hardwin. 

Milman. 
Hellyard. 



Tradesm. 



Labourers. 



jBoys. 



Mistresse Forest and Anne Buras her maide, 8. Dutchmen and 
Poles, with divers to the number of 70. persons. 

Those poore conclusions so affrighted us all with famine, 
that the President provided for Nansamund, tooke with him 
Captaine Winne, and Mr Scrivener (then returning from 
Captaine Newport). These people also long denied him trade 
(excusing themselves to bee so commanded by Powhatan) til 
we were constrained to begin with them perforce, and then 
they would rather sell us some, then wee should take all. So 
loading our boats with 100 bushels, we parted friends, and 
came to James Towne ; at which time, there was a marriage 
between John Laydon and Anne Burrowes, being the first 
maniage we had in Virginia. 

Long he staled not, but fitting himselfe and captaine 
Waldo with 2. barges, from Chawopo, weanocke and all 
parts there, was found neither come nor Salvage, but all fled 



* I.e., artisans. 



1608] PKOCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 161 

(being jealous of our intents) till we discovered the 
river and people of Appametuck, where we found little. 
That they had we equally devided betwixt the Salvages 
and us, but gave them copper in consideration. Mr 
Persie and Mr Scrivener went also abroad, but could 
finde nothing. 

The President seeing this pro c[r]astina ting of time, was 
no course to live, resolved with Captaine Waldo (who he knew 
to be sure in time of need), to surprise Powhatan and al his 
provision; but the unwiUingnes of Captaine Winne, and Mr 
Scrivener (for some private respects), did their best to hinder 
their project. But the President, whom no perswasions could 
perswade to starve, being invited by Powhatan to come unto 
him, and if he would send him but men to build him a house, 
bring him a grinstone, 50. swords, some peeces, a cock and 
a hen, with copper and beads, he would loade his shippe with 
corne. The President not ignoraunt of his devises, yet un- 
willing to neglect any opportunity, presently sent 3. Dutch- 
men and 2. EngUsh (having no victuals to imploy them, all 
for want thereof being idle). Knowing there needed no better 
castel then that house, to surprize Powhatan, to effect this 
project, he took order with Captaine Waldo, to second him, 
if need required. Scrivener, he left his substitute, and set 
forth with the Pinnas, 2. barges, and six and forty men, which 
only were such as voluntarily offered themselves for his journy, 
the which (by reason of Mr Scriveners ill successe) was cen- 
sured very desperate. The}^ all knowing Smith would not 
returne empty howsoever, caused many of those that he had 
appointed to find excuses to stay behinde. 



CHAPTER VIII 

Captaine Smiths journey to Pamaunke, 

The 29 of December, hee set forward for Werawocomoco : 
his company were these. 

M 



162 



NAEEATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA 



[1608 



In the Discovery barge, himselfe. 



Robert Behethland. 
Nathaniell Powell. 
John Russell. 
Rawly Crashaw. 
Michaell Sicklemore. 
Richard Worlie. 



Gent. 



Anas Todkill. 
William Love. 
William Bentley. 
Geoff ery Shortridge. 
Edward Pising. 
William Warde. 



Sould. 



In the Pinnace. 
Mr George Persie, brother to the Earle of Northumber- 
land; Ml Frauncis West, brother to the Lord De-la-Ware. 
WllUam Phetiplace, Captaine of the Pinnas. 
Jonas Profit, Master. 
Robert Ford, clarcke of the councell. 



Michaell Phetiplace. 
Geoff ery Abbot, Serg. 
William Tankard. 
George Yarington. 
James Bourne. 
George Burton. 
Thomas Coe. 
John Dods. 
Edward Brinton. 
Nathaniel Peacocke. 



Gent. 



Sould. 



Henry Powell. 
David Ellis. 
Thomas Gipson. 
John Prat. 
George Acrigge. 
James Reade. 
Nicholas Hancocke. 
James Watkins. 
Anthony Baggly, Serg. 
Thomas Lambert. 
Edward Pising, Serg. 



Sould. 



4 Dutchmen and Richard Salvage were sent by land, to build 
the house for Powhatan against our arrivall. 

This company being victualled but for 3. or 4. dales, lodged 
the first night at Weraskoyack, where the President tooke 
sufficient provision. This kind Salvage did his best to divert 
him from seeing Powhatan, but perceiving he could not pre- 
vaile, he advised in this manner, Captaine Smith, you shall 
finde Powhatan to use you kindly, but trust him not, and bee 
sure hee have no opportunitie to seaze on your armes, for hee 
hath sent for you only to cut your throats. The Captaine 
thanked him for his good counsell, yet the better to trv his 



loou] PEOCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 163 

love, desired guides to Chowanoke, for he would sent a present 
to that king to bind him his friend. To performe this journey 
was sent Michael Sicklemore, a very honest, valiant, and paine- 
full soldier : with him, two guids, and directions howe to search 
for the lost company of Sir Walter Rawley, and silke grasse. 
Then wee departed thence, the President assuring the king 
[of] his perpetuall love, and left with him Samuell Collier his 
page, to learne the language. 

The next night being lodged at Kecoughtan, 6 or 7 dales 
the extreame wind, raine, frost, and snowe caused us to keepe 
Christmas amongst the Salvages, where wee were never more 
merrie, nor fedde on more plentie of good oysters, fish, flesh, 
wild foule, and good bread, nor never had better fires in Eng- 
land then in the drie warme smokie houses of Kecoughtan. 
But departing thence, when we found no houses, we were 
not curious ^ (in any weather) to lie, 3 or 4 nights together, 
upon any shore, under the trees, by a good fire. 148 fowles, 
the President, Anth. Bagly, and Edward Pising did kill at 3. 
shoots. At Kiskiack, the frost forced us 3 or 4 dales, also to 
suppresse the insolencie of those proud Salvages, to quarter 
in their houses and guard our barge, and cause them give us 
what wee wanted ; yet were we but 12 with the President, and 
yet we never wanted harbour ^ where we found any houses. 

The 12 of Januarie we arrived at Werawocomoco, where 
the river was frozen neare halfe a mile from the shore. But 
to neglect no time, the President with his barge, so farre had 
approached, by breaking the Ice, as the eb left him amongst 
those oozie shoules; yet, rather then to he there frozen to 
death, by his owne example, hee taught them to march middle 
deepe, more then a flight shot, through this muddie froye ^ 
ooze. When the barge floted, he appointed 2 or 3 to retume 
her abord the Pinnace, where, for want of water, in melting 
the salt ice they made fresh water. But in this march, M. 
Russell (whome none could perswade to stay behind) being 
somewhat ill and exceeding heavie, so overtoiled himselfe, as 

» Fastidious. • Shelter. ' Frozen. 



164 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1609 

the rest had much adoe (ere he got a shore) to regain life into 
his dead benummed spirits. Quartering in the next houses 
we found, we sent to Powhatan for provision, who sent us 
plentie of bread, Turkies, and Venison. The next day, having 
feasted us after his ordinarie manner, he began to aske, when 
wee would bee gon, faining hee sent not for us, neither had hee 
any corne, and his people much lesse, yet for 40 swords he 
would procure us 40 bushels. The President, shewing him the 
men there present, that brought him the message and con- 
ditions, asked him, how it chaimced he became so forgetful; 
thereat, the king concluded the matter with a merry laughter, 
asking for our commodities, but none he hked without gunnes 
and swords, valuing a basket of corne more pretious then a 
basket of copper, saying he could eate his corne, but not his 
copper. 

Captaine Smith seeing the intent of this subtil Salvage, 
began to deale with him after this manner. 

Powhatan, though I had many courses to have made my pro- 
vision; yet beleeving your promises to supply my wants, I neg- 
lected all, to satisfie your desire ; and to testifie my love, I sent you 
my men for your building, neglecting my owne. What your people 
had, you have engrossed, forbidding them our trade, and nowe you 
thinke by consuming the time, wee shall consume for want, not 
having [wherewith] to fulfill your strange demandes. As for swords 
and gunnes, I told you long agoe, I had none to spare. And you 
shall knowe, those I have, can keepe me from want : yet steale, 
or wrong you, I will not, nor dissolve that friendship wee have 
mutually promised, except you constraine mee by your bad usage. 

The king having attentively listned to this discourse, 
promised that both hee and his Country would spare him what 
they could; the which within 2 dales, they should receave. 
Yet, Captaine Smith, (saith the king) 

some doubt I have of your comming hither, that makes me not so 
kindly seeke to relieve you as I would ; for many do informe me, 
your comming is not for trade, but to invade my people and possesse 



i609] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 165 

my Country, who dare not come to bring you corne, seeing you 
thus armed with your men. To cheere us of this feare, leave abord 
your weapons, for here they are needlesse, we being all friends and 
for ever Powhatans. 

With many such discourses, they spent the day, quartring 
that night in the kings houses. The next day, he reviewed his 
building, which hee Httle intended should proceed. For the 
Dutchmen finding his plenty, and knowing our want, and per- 
ceiving his preparation to surprise us, little thinking wee could 
escape both him, and famine, to obtaine his favour, revealed 
to him as much as they knew of our estates and projects, and 
how to prevent them. One of them being of so good a judge- 
ment, spirit, and resolution (and a hireUng that was certaine 
of wages for his labour, and ever well used, both he and his 
countrimen) that the President knewe not whome better to 
trust, and, not knowing any fitter for that imploiment, had sent 
him as a spie, to discover Powhatans intent, then httle doubting 
his honestie, nor could ever be certaine of his villany till neare 
halfe a yeare after. 

Whilst we expected the comming in of the countrie, we 
wrangled out of the king 10 quarters of corne for a copper 
kettle ; the which the President perceiving him much to effect, 
valued it at a much greater rate, but (in regard of his scarcety) 
hee would accept of as much more the next yeare, or else the 
country of Monacan. The King exceeding liberall of that 
hee had not, yeelded him Monacan. Wherewith each seeming 
well contented, Powhatan began to expostulate the difference 
betwixt peace and war, after this manner. 

Captaine Smith, you may understand that I, having seene the 
death of all my people thrice, and not one living of those 3 genera- 
tions but my selfe, I knowe the difference of peace and warre better 
then any in my Countrie. But now I am old, and ere long must 
die. My brethren, namely Opichapam, Opechankanough, and 
Kekataugh, my two sisters, and their two daughters, are distinctly 
each others successours. I wish their experiences no lesse then 
mine, and your love to them, no lesse then mine to you : but this 



166 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1609 

brute from Nansamund, that you are come to destroy my Countrie, 
so much affrighteth all my people, as they dare not visit you. What 
will it availe you to take that perforce, you may quietly have with 
love, or to destroy them that provide you food ? What can you get by 
war, when we can hide our provision and flie to the woodes, whereby 
you must famish, by wronging us your friends ? And whie are you 
thus jealous of our loves, seeing us unarmed, and both doe, and are 
willing still to feed you with that you cannot get but by our labours ? 
Think you I am so simple not to knowe it is better to eate good 
meate, lie well, and sleepe quietly with my women and children, laugh, 
and be merrie with you, have copper, hatchets, or what I want 
being your friend ; then bee forced to flie from al, to lie cold in the 
woods, feed upon acorns roots and such trash, and be so hunted 
by you that I can neither rest eat nor sleepe, but my tired men 
must watch, and if a twig but breake, everie one crie, there comes 
Captaine Smith : then must I flie I knowe not whether, and thus 
with miserable feare end my miserable life, leaving my pleasures 
to such youths as you, which, through your rash unadvisednesse, 
may quickly as miserably ende, for want of that you never knowe 
how to find ? Let this therefore assure you of our loves, and everie 
yeare our friendly trade shall furnish you with corne ; and now also 
if you would come in friendly manner to see us, and not thus 
with your gunnes and swords, as to invade your foes. 

To this subtil discourse, the President thus repUed. 

Seeing you will not rightly conceave of our words, wee strive 
to make you knowe our thoughts by our deeds. The vow I made 
you of my love, both my selfe and my men have kept. As for your 
promise I finde it everie dale violated by some of your subjects; 
yet wee finding your love and kindnesse, our custome is so far from 
being ungratefull, that for your sake only, wee have curbed our 
thirsting desire of revenge, else had they * know^ne as w^el the crueltie 
we use to our enimies as our true love and curtesie to our friendes. 
And I thinke your judgement sufl[icient to conceive, as well by the 
adventures we have undertaken, as by the advantage we have by 
our armes, of yours : that had wee intended you anie hurt, long ere 
this we coulde have effected it. Your people comming to me at 
James towne, are entertained with their bowes and arrowes without 

* Your Indians. 



1609] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 167 

exception ; we esteeming it with you, as it is with us, to weare our 
armes as our apparell. As for the dangers of our enimies, in such 
warres consist our chiefest pleasure. For your riches we have no 
use. As for the hiding your provision, or by your flying to the 
woods; we shall [not] so unadvisedly starve as you conclude: 
your friendly care in that behalfe is needlesse, for we have a rule 
to finde beyond your knowledge. 

Manie other discourses they had, til at last they began to 
trade. But the king seing his will would not bee admitted as 
a la we, our guard dispersed, nor our men disarmed ; he, sigh- 
ing, breathed his mind once more, in this manner. 

Captaine Smith, I never used anie of Werowances so kindlie 
as your selfe ; yet from j^ou, I receave the least kindnesse of anie. 
Captaine Newport gave me swords, copper, cloths, a bed, tooles, 
or what I desired ; ever taking what I offered him : and would send 
awaie his gunnes when I intreated him. None doth denie to laie 
at my feet, or do, what I desire, but onelie you ; of whom I can have 
nothing but what you regard not : and yet you wil have whatsoever 
you demand. Captain Newport you call father, and so you call 
me : but I see, for all us both, you will doe what you list, and wee 
must both seeke to content you. But if you intend so friendlie as 
you sale, sende hence your armes that I may beleeve you : for you 
see the love I beare you, doth cause mee thus nakedlie forget my 
selfe. 

Smith (seeing this Salvage but trifled the time, to cut his 
throat) procured the Salvages to breake the ice, that his boat 
might come to fetch both him and his corne ; and gave order 
for his men to come ashore, to have surprised the king : with 
whom also, he but trifled the time till his men landed ; and to 
keepe him from suspition, entertained the time with this reply. 

Powhatan, you must knowe as I have but one God, I honour 
but one king : and I live not here as your subject, but as your friend 
to pleasure you with what I can. By the gifts you bestowe on 
me, you gaine more then by trade : yet would you visite mee as I 
doe you, you should knowe it is not our customes to sell our cur- 



168 NAERATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1609 

tesie as a vendible commoditie. Bring all your Country with you 
for your gard, I will not dislike of it as being over jealous. But to 
content you, to-morrow I will leave my armes, and trust to your 
promise. I call you father indeed, and as a father you shall see 
I will love you: but the smal care you had of such a child, 
caused my men perswade me to shift for my selfe. 

By this time, Powhatan having knowledge his men were 
readie; whilst the ice was breaking, his luggage, women and 
children fiedde. And to avoid suspition left 2 or 3 of his women 
talking with the Captaine, whilst he secretly fled, and his men 
as secrethe beset the house. Which being at the instant dis- 
covered to Captaine Smith ; with his Pistol, Sword and Target, 
he made such a passage amongst those naked divels that they 
fled before him, some one waie, some another : so that without 
hurt, he obtained ^ the Corps du guard. When they perceived 
him so well escaped, and with his 8 men (for he had no more 
with him), to the uttermost of their skill, they sought by ex- 
cuses to dissemble the matter. And Powhatan, to excuse his 
flight and the suddaine comming of this multitude, sent our 
Captaine a greate bracelet and a chaine of pearle, by an an- 
cient Orator that bespoke us to this purpose (perceiving then 
from our Pinnace, a barge and men departing and comming 
unto us.) 

Captaine Smith, our Werowans is fled, fearing your guns ; and 
knowing when the ice was broken, there would come more men, 
sent those of his, to guard his corne from the pilfrie that might 
happen without your knowledge. Now though some bee hurt by 
your misprison; yet he is 3^our friend, and so wil continue. And 
since the ice is open, hee would have you send awaie your corne : 
and if you would have his companie, send also your armes, which 
so affrighteth this people that they dare not come to you, as he hath 
promised they should. 

Nowe having provided baskets for our men to carrie the 
come, they kindlie offered their service to gard our armes, 

* Reached. 



1609] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 169 

that none should steale them. A great manie they were, of 
goodhe well appointed fellowes, as grim as divels : yet the verie 
sight of cocking our matches against them, and a few words, 
caused them to leave their bowes and arrowes to our guard, 
and beare downe our corne on their own backes. Wee needed 
not importune them to make quick despatch. But our own 
barge being left by the ebb, caused us to stale till the midnight 
tide carried us safe abord.^ Having spent that halfe night 
with such mirth as though we never had suspected or intended 
an}^hing; we left the Dutchman to build, Brinton to kil 
fowle for Powhatan as by his messengers he importunately 
desired ; and left directions with our men to give Powhatan 
all the content they could, that we might injoy his company 
at our retume from Pamaunke. 



CHAPTER IX 

How we escaped surprising at Pamaunke, 

Wee had no sooner set saile, but Powhatan returned, and 
sent Adam and Francis (2. stout Dutch men) to the fort: 
who fained to Captaine Winne that al things were well, and 
that Captaine Smith had use for their armes : wherefore they 
requested newe (the which were given them). They told him 
their comming was for some extraordinary tooles and shift of 
apparell. By this colourable excuse, they obtained 6. or 7. 
more to their confederacie, such expert theefes that presently 
furnished them with a great many swords, pike-heads, peeces, 
shot, powder, and such hke. They had Salvages at hand ready 
to carry it away. The next day, they returned unsuspected, 
leaving their confederates to follow; and, in the interim, 
to convay them a competence of all things they could: for 
which service, they should live with Powhatan as his chief e 
affected, free from those miseries that would happen the Col- 

* I.e., to the pinnace. 



170 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1609 

ony. Samuell their other consort, Powhatan kept for their 
pledge; whose diligence had provided him 300. of their kinde 
of hatchets; the rest, 50. swords, 8. peeces, and 8. pikes. 
Brinton and Richard Salvage seeing the Dutch-men so strangly 
diligent to accommodate the Salvages these weapons, attempted 
to have got to James Towne; but they were apprehended: 
Within 2. or 3. dales, we arrived at Pamaunke : the king ^ 
as many dales entertained us with feasting and much mirth. 
And the day he appointed to begin our trade, the President, 
with Mr Persie, Mr West, Mr Russell, Mr Beheathland, Mr 
Powell, Mr Crashaw, Mr Ford, and some others, to the number 
of 15., went up to Opechancanougs house (near a quarter of 
a mile from the river); where we^ founde nothing but a lame 
fellow and a boy, and all the houses about, of all things aban- 
doned. Not long we staide ere the king arrived, and after 
him, came divers of his people loaded with bowes and arrowes ; 
but such pinching commodities, and those esteemed at such 
a value, as our Captaine beganne with him, in this manner. 

Opechancanough, the great love you professe with your tongue, 
seemes meere deceipt by your actions. Last yeare, you kindly 
f raughted our ship ; but now you have invited me to starve with 
hunger. You know my want; and I, your plenty: of which, by 
some meanes, I must have part. Remember it is fit for kings to 
keepe their promise. Here are my commodities, whereof take your 
choice : the rest I will proportion fit bargaines for your people. 

The king seemed kindly to accept this offer ; and the better 
to colour his project, sold us what they had to our own content : 
promising the next day, more company, better provided. 
The barges and Pinnas being committed to the charge of Mi 
Phetiplace : the President, with his old 15, marched up to the 
kings house ; where we found 4 or 5 men newly come with great 
baskets. Not long after came the king, who, with a strained 

^ I.e., Opechancanough. 

- Probably Richard Wiffin, W. Phettiplace and Anas Todkill, who wrote 
this portion of the work and probably went along with the party to Pamunkey 



1(309] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 171 

cheeref nines, held us with discourse, what paines he had taken 
to keepe his promise, till Mr Russell brought us in news that 
we were all betraied, for at least 6. or 700/ of well appointed 
Indians had invironed the house and beset the fields. The king 
conjecturing what Russell related, we could wel perceive how 
the extremity of his feare bewrayed his intent. Whereat, 
some of our companie seeming dismaide with the thought of 
such a multitude, the Captaine incouraged us after this manner. 

Worthy countrymen, were the mischiefes of my seeming friends 
no more then the danger of these enemies, I little cared, were they 
as many more, if you dare do but as I. But this is my torment, 
that if I escape them, our malicious councell,^ with their open- 
mouthed minions, will make mee such a peace-breaker (in their 
opinions) in England, as wil break my neck. I could vdsh those 
here, that make these seeme Saints, and me an oppressor. But 
this is the worst of all, wherin I pray, aide me with your opinions. 
Should wee begin with them and surprize this king, we cannot keep 
him and defend well our selves. If we should each kill our man, 
and so proceede with al in this house, the rest will all fly : then shall 
we get no more then the bodies that are slaine, and then starve 
for victuall. As for their fury, it is the least danger. For well 
you know, being alone assaulted with 2 or 300 of them, I made them 
compound to save my life; and we are now 16 and they but 700. 
at the most; and assure your selves God wil so assist us, that if 
you dare but to stand to discharge your peeces, the very smoake 
will bee sufficient to affright them. Yet howsoever, if there be 
occasion, let us fight like men, and not die hke sheep : but first 
I will deale with them to bring it to passe, we may fight for some- 
thing, and draw them to it by conditions. If j^ou like this motion, 
promise me youle ' be valiant. 

The time not permitting any argument, all vowed to execute 
whatsoever he attempted, or die. Whereupon the captaine 
approaching the king, bespoke him in this manner. 

^ Probably this number is greatly exaggerated. 

^ The council at this time consisted of Scrivener, Winn, and Waldo, who 
are spoken of quite highly by Smith's friends. The council in London had 
given strict orders to keep on good terms with the savages. ^ You will. 



172 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1609 

I see Opechancanoiigh, your plot to murder me ; but I feare it 
not. As yet your men and mine have done no harme but by our 
directions. Take therefore your arms, you see mine. My body 
shalbe as naked as yours, the He in your river is a fit place, if you 
be contented ; and the conqueror, of us two, shalbe Lord and Master 
over all our men. Otherwaies drawe all your men into the field, if 
you have not enough, take time to fetch more; and bring what 
numiber you will, so everie one bring a basket of corne : against all 
which, I will stake the value in copper. You see I have but 15 
men, and our game shalbe, the conqueror take all. 

The king, being guarded with 50 or 60 of his chiefe men, 
seemed kindly to appease Smiths suspition of mikindnesse, 
by a great present at the dore, they intreated him to receive. 
This was to draw him without the dore, where the present was 
garded with at the least 200 men, and 30 lying under a greate 
tree that lay thwart as a Barricado, each his arrow nocked 
ready to shoot. Some, the President commanded to go and 
see what kinde of deceit this was, and to receive the present ; 
but they refused to do it : yet divers offered, whom he would 
not permit : but commanding Mr Persie and Mr West to make 
good the house, tooke Mr Poell and Mr Beheathland to guard 
the dore ; and in such a rage, snatched the king by his vam- 
brace,^ in the midst of his men, with his pistoll ready bent 
against his brest. Thus he led the trembling king, neare dead 
with feare, amongst all his people; who dehvering the Cap- 
taine his bow and arrowes, all his men were easily intreated 
to cast downe their armes, little dreaming anie durst in that 
manner have used their king: who then, to escape himselfe, 
bestowed his presents in good sadnesse. And having caused 
all his multitude to approach disarmed, the President argued 
with them to this effect. 

I see, you Pamaunkies, the great desire you have to cut my 
throat, and my long suffering your injuries have imboldened you to 
this presumption. The cause I have forborne yom* insolencies is 

* I.e., the leather covering from the elbow to the wrist protecting the 
arm from the bow; elsewhere called "bracer." 



1609] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 173 

the promise I made you, before the God I serve, to be your friend, 
till you give me just cause to bee your enimie. If I keepe this vow, 
my God will keepe mee; you cannot hurt mee: if 1 breake it, he 
will destroie me. But if you shoot but one arrow to shed one drop 
of blood of any of mj'' men, or steale the least of these beades or 
copper I spurne before me with my foot; j^ou shall see, I wil not 
cease revenge, if once I begin, so long as I can heare where to find 
one of your nation that will not deny the name of Pamaunke. I 
am not now at Rasseneac ^ halfe drownd with mire, where vou tooke 
me prisoner: yet then, for keeping your promise, and your good 
usage, and saving my life, I so affect you, that your denials of your 
treacherie doth half perswade me to mistake my selfe. But if I 
be the marke you aime at, here I stand, shoote hee that dare. You 
promised to fraught my ship ere I departed; and so you shall, or 

1 meane to load her with your dead carkases. Yet if as friends you 
wil come and trade, I once more promise not to trouble you, except 
you give me the first occasion. 

Upon this, awaie went their bowes and arrowes ; and men, 
women, and children brought in their commodities. But 

2 or three houres they so thronged about the President, and 
so overwearied him, as he retired himself to rest, leaving Mr. 
Beheathland and Mr Powel to accept their presents. But 
some Salvage perceiving him fast asleepe, and the guard care- 
lessly dispersed, 40 or 50 of their choice men each with an 
English sword in his hand, began to enter the house ; with 2 
or 300 others that pressed to second them. The noise and hast 
they made in, did so shake the house as they awoke him from 
his sleep; and being halfe amazed with this suddaine sight, 
betooke him straight to his sword and target; Mr Crashaw 
and some other charging in like manner, they thronged faster 
back, then before forward. The house thus clensed, the king 
and his ancients, with a long oration came to excuse this in- 
trusion. The rest of the day was spent with much kindnesse : 
the company againe renuing their presents of their best pro- 
vision. And whatsoever we gave them, they seemed well 
contented with it. 

^ Rawsenac. 



174 J^ARRATiVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1609 

Now in the meane while, since our departure, this hapned 
at the fort. Mr Scrivener willing to crosse ^ the siu-prizing of 
Powhatan, 9 daies after the Presidents departure, would 
needs visit the He of hogges ; ^ and took with him Captaine 
Waldo (though the President had appointed him to bee readie 
to second his occasions) with Mr Antony Gosnoll and eight 
otliers : but so violent was the wind (that extreame frozen time) 
that the boat sunke ; but where, or how, none doth knowe, for 
they were all drowned. Onlie this was knowne, that the Skiff e 
was much overloaded, and would scarse have lived in that 
extreme tempest had she beene emptie : but by no perswasion 
could hee bee diverted, though both Waldo and 100 others 
doubted as it hapned. The Salvages were the first that found 
their bodies, which so much the more encouraged them to 
effect their projects. To advertise the President of this heavie 
newes, none could bee found would undertake it: but the 
journey was often refused of all in the fort, untill Mr Wiffin 
undertooke alone the performance thereof. Wherein he was 
encountred with many dangers and difficulties; and in all 
parts as hee passed, as also that night he lodged with Powhatan, 
perceived such preparation for warre that assure[d] him some 
mischiefe was intended: but with extraordinarie bribes and 
much trouble, in three dales travell, at length, he found us 
in the midst of these turmoiles. This unhappie newes, the 
President swore him to conceale from the rest; and so, dis- 
sembling his sorrow with the best countenance he could, when 
the night approached, went safely abord with all his companie. 

Now so extreamely Powhatan had threatned the death of 
his men, if they did not, by some meanes, kill Captaine Smith, 
that the next day they appointed the Countrie should come 
to trade unarmed : yet unwilling to be treacherous but that 
they were constrained, hating fighting almost as ill as hanging ; 
such feare they had of bad successe. The next morning, the 
sunne had not long appeared, but the fieldes appeared covered 
with people, and baskets to tempt us ashore. The President 

* Counterwork. ' Hog Island, about seven miles from Jamestown. 



IflOO] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 175 

determined to keepe abord ; but nothing was to bee had with 
out his presence, nor would they not indure the sight of a gun. 
Then the President, seeing many depart, and being unwilling 
to lose such a booty, so well contrived the Pinnace and his barges 
with Ambuscadoes ; as only with Mr Persie, Mr West, and Mr 
Russell armed, he went ashore. Others unarmed, he appointed 
to receive what was brought. The Salvages flocked before him 
in heapes, and (the bancke serving as a trench for retreat) 
hee drewe them faire open to his ambuscadoes. For he not 
being to be perswaded to go to visit their king, the King ^ 
came to visit him, with 2 or 300 men, in the forme of two halfe- 
moons, with some 20 men and many women loaded with great 
painted baskets. But when they approached somewhat neare 
us, their women and children fled. For when they had en- 
vironed and beset the fieldes in this manner, they thought their 
purpose sure ; yet so trembled with fear as they were scarse 
able to nock their arrowes. Smith standing with his 3 men 
readie bent, beholding them till they were within danger of our 
ambuscado; who, upon the word, discovered themselves, he 
retiring to the banke : which the Salvages no sooner perceived, 
but away they fled, esteeming their heeles for their best ad- 
vantage. 

That night, we sent to the fort Mr Crashaw and Mr Foard ; 
who, in the midway betweene Werawocomoco and the fort, 
met 4 or 5. of the Dutch mens confederates going tv, Powhatan : 
the which (to excuse ^ those gentlemens Suspition, of their 
running to the Salvages) returned to the fort, and there con- 
tinued. 

The Salvages hearing our barge depart in the night,^ were 
so terriblie afraide that we sent for more men (we having so 
much threatned their ruine, and the rasing of their houses, 
boats, and canowes),that the next day the King sent our Cap- 
taine a chaine of pearle to alter his purpose and stay his men ; 
promising, though they wanted themselves, to fraught our ship, 
and to bring it abord to avoid suspition : so that, 5 or 6 

* Opechancanough. ^ Remove. ^ With Crowshaw and Ford. 



176 NAIiKATlVES OF EARLY VIRGHSTIA [1609 

daies after, from al parts of the countrie within 10 or 12 miles, 
in the extreame cold frost and snow, they brought us provision 
on their naked backes. 

Yet notwithstanding this kindnesse and trade, had their 
art and poison bin sufficient, the President with Master West 
and some others had been poysoned. It made them sicke but 
expelled it selfe. Wecuttanow, a stout yong fellow, knowing 
hee was suspected for bringing this present of poison, with 40 
or 50. of his choice companions, seeing the President with but a 
few men at Pontauncat, so prowdlie braved it, as though he 
expected to incounter a revenge. WTiichthe President perceiv- 
ing, in the midst of his companie, did not onlie beat, but spurned 
him like a dogge, as scorning to doe him any worse mischiefe : 
whereupon all of them fled into the woods, thinking they had 
done a great matter to have so well escaped ; and the towns- 
men remaining presentlie fraughted our barge, to bee rid of 
our companies, framing manie excuses to excuse Wecutta- 
now, being son to their chief e king but Powhatan,^ and told 
us if we would shew them him that brought the poyson, they 
would deliver him to us to punish as wee pleased. 

Men male thinke it strange there should be this stir for 
a little corne : but had it been gold with more ease wee might 
have got it ; and had it wanted,^ the whole colonic had starved. 
We male be thought verie patient to indure all those injuries. 
Yet onlie with fearing ^ them, we got what they had : whereas 
if we had taken revenge, then by their losse, we should have 
lost our selvs. We searched also the countries of Yough- 
tanund and Mattapamient, where the people imparted what 
little they had with such complaints and tears from women 
and children, as he had bin too cruell to be a Christian that 
would not have bin satisfied and moved with compassion.'* 
But had this happened in October, November, and December, 
when that unhappie discoverie of Monacan was made; wee 



* I.e., their chief next in power to Powhatan. 

' Been lacking. ^ Frightening. 

* The Indians were improvident, and their grief was real. 



1609J PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONS 177 

might have fraughted a ship of 40 tuns, and twice as much might 
have bin had from the rivers of Toppahannock, Patawomeck, 
and Pawtuxunt. The maine occasion of our temporizing with 
the Salvages was to part friends, as we did, to give the lesse 
cause of suspition to Powhatan to fly : by whom we now re- 
turned, with a purpose to have surprised him and his provision. 
For effecting whereof, when we came against the towne, the 
President sent Mr Wiffin and Mr Coe a shore, to discover and 
make waie for his intended project. But they found that those 
damned Dutchman had caused Powhatan to abandon his new 
house and werawocomoco, and to carrie awaie all his corne 
and provision: and the people, they found, by their means, 
so ill affected, that had they not stood well upon their guard, 
they had hardlie escaped with their lives. So the President 
finding his intention thus frustrated, and that there was noth- 
ing now to be had, and therefore an unfit time to revenge their 
abuses, helde on his course for James Towne : we having in this 
Jornie (for 251 of copper, 501 of Iron and beads) kept 40 men 
6. weekes ; * and dailie feasted with bread, corne, flesh, fish, and 
fowle. Everie man having for his reward (and in consideration 
of his commodities) a months provision, no trade being allowed 
but for the store; and we delivered at James Towne to the 
Cape Marchant, 279 bushels of corne. 

Those temporall ^ proceedings, to some male seeme too 
charitable, to such a daihe daring trecherous people ; to others 
impleasant that we washed not the ground with their blouds, 
nor shewed such strange inventions in mangling, murdering, 
ransaking, and destroying (as did the Spaniards) the simple 
bodies of those ignorant soules; nor delightful, because not 
stuffed with relations of heaps and mines of gold and silver, 
nor such rare commodities as the Portugals and Spaniards 
found in the East and West Indies. The want wherof hath 
begot us, that were the first undertakers, no lesse scorne and 
contempt, than their noble conquests and valiant adventures 
(beautified with it), praise and honor. Too much, I confesse, 

* From December 29, 1608, to about February 8, 1609. ^ Temporizing. 



178 l^fARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGIKIA [16O0 

the world cannot attribute to their ever memorable merit. 
And to cleare us from the worlds blind ignorant censure, these 
fewe words may suffise to any reasonably understanding. 

It was the Spaniards good hap to happen in those parts 
where were infinite numbers of people, whoe had manured the 
ground with that providence that it afforded victuall at all 
times; and time had brought them to that perfection they 
had the use of gold and silver, and the most of such commod- 
ities as their countries affoorded: so that what the Spaniard 
got was only the spoile and pillage of those countrie people, and 
not the labours of their owne hands. But had those fiiiitfull 
Countries beene as Salvage, as barbarous, as ill-peopled, as 
little planted laboured and manured, as Virginia ; their proper 
labours, it is likely would have produced as small profit as ours. 
But had Virginia bin peopled, planted, manured, and adorned 
with such store of pretious Jewels and rich commodities as was 
the Indies: then, had we not gotten and done as much as 
by their examples might bee expected from us, the world might 
then have traduced us and our merits, and have made shame 
and infamy our recompence and reward. 

But we chanced in a lande, even as God made it. Where 
we found only an idle, improvident, scattered people, ignorant 
of the knowledge of gold, or silver, or any commodities; and 
carelesse of anything but from hand to mouth, but for babies 
of no worth ; nothing to encourage us but what accidentally 
wee found nature afforded. AVliich ere wee could bring to 
recompence our paines, defray our charges, and satisfie our 
adventurers ; we were to discover the country, subdue the peo- 
ple, bring them to be tractable civil and industrious, and teach 
them trades that the fruits of their labours might make us 
recompence, or plant such colonies of our owne that must first 
make provision how to live of themselves ere they can bring to 
perfection the commodities of the countrie: which doubtless 
will be as commodious for England as the west Indies for Spaine, 
if it be rightly managed; notwithstanding all our home-bred 
opinions that will argue the contrarie, as formerly such Hke 
have done against the Spaniards and Portugals. But to con- 



1601)] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 179 

elude, against all rumor of opinion I only say this for those that 
the three first yeares began this plantation : notwithstanding 
al their factions, mutenies, and miseries, so gently corrected 
and well prevented, peruse the Spanish Decades^ the relations 
of M. Hacklut ; ^ and tell mee how many ever, with such 
smal meanes as a barge of 2 Tunnes, sometimes with 7. 8. 9, 
or but at most 15 men, did ever discover so many faire and 
navigable rivers, subject so many severall kings people and 
nations to obedience and contribution, with so little bloud 
shed. 

And if in the search of those Countries, wee had hapned 
where wealth had beene, we had as surely had it, as obedience 
and contribution ; but if wee have overskipped it, we will not 
envy them that shall chance to finde it. Yet can wee not but 
lament it was our ill fortunes to end, when wee had but only 
learned how to begin, and found the right course how to pro- 
ceed. 

By Richard Wiffin, William Phettiplace, and Anas 

TODKILL. 



CHAPTER X 

How the Salvages became subject to the English. 

When the shippes departed ^ al the provision of the store 
but that the President had gotten, was so rotten with the last 
somers rain, and eaten with rats and wormes as the hogs 
would scarsely eat it; yet it was the souldiers diet till our 
returnes : so that wee found nothing done, but victuall spent, 
and the most part of our tooles, and a good part of our armes 
convayed to the Salvages. But now, casting up the store and 
findmg sufficient till the next harvest, the feare of starving 

* Hakluyt. " The Spanish Decades " means such works as the Decades 
of Peter Martyr and the general histories of Oviedo and Herrera, organized 
m decades of ten books each. ' November, 1608. 



180 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1609 

was abandoned: and the company divided into tennes, fif- 
teenes, or as the businesse required, 4 houres each day was 
spent in worke, the rest in pastimes and merry exercise. But 
the untowardnesse of the greatest number caused the Presi- 
dent to make a generall assembly ; and then he advised them 
as followeth. 

Countrimen, the long experience of our late miseries, I hope is 
sufficient to perswade every one to a present correction of himselfe ; 
and thinke not that either my pains, or the adventurers purses, will 
ever maintaine you in idlenesse and sloth. I speake not this to you 
all; for diverse of you, I know, deserve both honor and reward 
better then is yet here to bee had; but the greater part must be 
more industrious, or starve. Howsoever you have bin heretofore 
tolerated by the author! tie of the Councell from that I have often 
commanded you : yet seeing nowe the authoritie resteth wholly in 
my selfe, you must obay this for a law, that he that will not worke, 
shall not eate, except by sicknesse he be disabled. For the labours 
of 30 or 40 honest and industrious men shall not bee consumed to 
maintaine 150 idle varlets. Now though you presume the authoritie 
here is but a shaddow, and that I dare not touch the lives of any 
but my own must answer it; the letters patents each week shall 
be read you, whose contents will tell you the contrary. I would 
wish you therefore, without contempt, seeke to observe these orders 
set downe ; for there are now no more Councells to protect you, nor 
curbe my indeavours. Therefore hee that offendeth, let him as- 
suredly expect his due punishment. 

Hee made also a table ^ as a publike memoriall of every 
mans deserts, to encourage the good, and with shame to spume 
on the rest to amendment. By this, many became very indus- 
trious : yet more by severe punishment performed their busi- 
nesse ; for all were so tasked, that there was no excuse could 
prevail to deceive him. Yet the Dutchmens consorts so closely 
still convai[e]d powder, shot, swords, and tooles; that though 
we could find the defect, we could not find by whom it was 
occasioned, till it was too late. 

* Notice board. 



1609] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 181 

All this time, the Dutchmen remaining with Powhatan, 
received them, instructing the Salvages their use. But their 
consorts not following them as they expected, to know the cause, 
they sent Francis their companion, a stout young fellow, dis- 
guised Salvage like, to the glasse-house,^ a place in the woods 
neere a myle from James Towne, where was the randavus 
for all their unsuspected villany. 40 men, they procured 
of Powhatan to lie in Ambuscadoe for Captaine Smith; who 
no sooner heard of this Dutchman, but hee sent to apprehend 
him. AVho found he was gon; yet to crosse ^ his returne to 
Powhatan, Captaine Smith presently dispatched 20 shot after 
him. And then returning but from the glasse-house alone, hee 
incountred the King of Paspaheigh, a most strong stout Sal- 
vage; whose perswasions not being able to perswade him to 
his ambush, seeing him only armed but with a fauchion,^ 
attempted to have shot him. But the President prevented 
his shot by grapling with him ; and the Salvage as well pre- 
vented him from drawing his fauchion, and perforce bore him 
into the river to have drowned him. Long they struggled 
in the water, from whence the king perceiving two of the 
Poles upon the sandes, would have fled: but the President 
held him by the haire and throat til the Poles came in. 
Then seeing howe pittifully the poore Salvage begged his 
life, they conducted him prisoner to the fort. The Dutchman 
ere long was also brought in, whose villany (though all this time 
it was suspected), yet he fained such a formall excuse that for 
want of language ^ Win had not rightly understood them : 
and for their dealings with Powhatan, that to save their 
lives, they were constrained to accommodate [him with] 
his armes ; of whome he extreamely complained to have de- 
tained them perforce, and that hee made his escape with 
the hazard of his life, and meant not to have returned but only 
walked in the woods to gather walenuts. Yet for all this faire 
tale, there was so smal appearance of truth, hee went by the 

* The glass-house was erected about this time on the mainland, at the 
west end of the connecting neck. ^ Prevent. 

' Falchion. * He spoke Dutch or German (High Dutch). 



182 :NARKATIVES of EAKLY VIBGINIA [160© 

heeles.- The king also he put in fetters, purposing to regaine 
the Dutch-men, by the saving his hfe. The poore Salvage 
did his best, by his daily messengers to Powhatan, but all 
returned ^ that the Dutchmen would not return : neither did 
Powhatan stay them; and bring them fiftie myles on their 
backes,^ they were not able. Daily this kings wives children 
and people came to visit him with presents, which hee liberally 
bestowed to make his peace. Much trust they had in the Presi- 
dents promise : but the king finding his gard negligent, though 
fettered yet escaped. Captaine Win thinking to pursue him, 
found such troopes of Salvages to hinder his passages, as they 
exchanged many volies of shot for flights of arrowes. Cap- 
taine Smith hearing of this, in returning to the fort, tooke two 
Salvages prisoners : the one called Kemps, the other Kinsock ; 
the two most exact villaines in the countrie. With those, 
Captaine Win and 50 chosen men attempted that night to 
have regained the king, and revenged his injurie. And so 
had done, if he had followed his directions, or bin advised by 
those two villaines (that would have betraied both their king 
and kindred for a peece of copper) ; but hee trifling away the 
night, the Salvages, the next morning by the rising of the sunne, 
braved him come a shore to fight. A good time both sides let 
flie at other; but wee heard of no hurt. Only they tooke two 
Canows, burnt the kings house; and so returned. 

The President fearing those bravadoes would but incour- 
age the Salvages^ begun himself to trie his conclusions; 
whereby 6 or 7 Salvages were slaine, as many made prisoners ; 
burnt their houses; tooke their boats with all their fishing 
weares, and planted them at James Towne for his owne use: 
and now resolved not to cease till he had revenged himselfe 
upon al that had injured him. But in his journey, passing by 
Paspaheigh towards Chickahamina, the Salvages did their 
best to draw him to their ambuscadoes: but seeing him re- 
gardlesly passe their Countrey, all shewed themselves in their 
bravest manner, to trie their valours. He could not but 

* Was put in irons. ^ Answered. ' Overland from Oropaks. 



1609] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 183 

let flie, and ere he could land, the Salvages no sooner knewe him, 
but they threw downe their armes and desired peace. Their 
Orator was a stout young man called Ocanindge ; whose worthie 
discourse deserveth to be remembered. And this it was. 

Captaine Smith, my master is here present in this company, 
thinking it Captaine Win, and not you; and of him, hee intended 
to have beene revenged, having never offended him. If hee have 
offended you in escaping your imprisonment, the fishes swim, the 
f owles flie, and the very beastes strive to escape the snare and live : 
then blame not him being a man. Hee would entreat you remember 
your being a prisoner, v>^hat paines he tooke to save your life. If 
since he hath injured you, he was compelled to it; but, howsoever, 
you have revenged it with our too great losse. We perceive and well 
knowe you intend to destroy us, that are here to intreat and desire 
your friendship, and to enjoy our houses and plant our fields, of 
whose fruit you shall participate : otherwise you will have the worst 
by our absence. For we can plant anywhere, though with more 
labour ; and we know you cannot live if you want our harvest and 
that reliefe wee bring you. If you promise us peace, we will beleeve 
you; if you proceed in reveng, we will abandon the Countrie. 

Upon these tearmes the President promised them peace 
till they did us injury, upon condition they should bring in 
provision. So all departed good friends, and so continued 
till Smith left the Countrie. 

Ariving at James Towne, complaint was made to the 
President that the Chickahaminos, who al this while con- 
tinued trade and seemed our friendes, by colour thereof were 
the only theeves; and amongst other things, a pistol being 
stolne and the theefe fled, there were apprehended 2 proper 
young fellows that were brothers, knowne to be his confederats. 
Now to regain this pistoll, the one we imprisoned ; the other 
was sent, to retume againe within 12 houres, or his brother 
to be hanged. Yet the President pittying the poore naked 
Salvage in the dungeon, sent him victuall and some charcole 
for fire. Ere midnight his brother returned with the pistoll: 
but the poore Salvage in the dungeon was so smothered with 
the smoke he had made, and so pittiously burnt that wee found 



184 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1609 

him dead. The other most lamentably bewailed his death, 
and broke forth in such bitter agonies, that the President, to 
quiet him, told him that if hereafter they would not steal, he 
wold make him ahve againe : but Uttle thought hee could be 
recovered. Yet we doing our best with aquavitae and vinegar, 
it pleased God to restore him againe to life: but so drunke 
and affrighted that he seemed lunaticke, not understanding 
any thing hee spoke or heard ; the which as much grieved and 
tormented the other, as before to see him dead. Of which 
maladie, upon promise of their good behaviour afterward, the 
President promised to recover him; and so caused him to be 
laid by a fire to sleepe : who in the morning, having well slept, 
had recovered his perfect senses. And then being dressed of 
his burning, and each a peece of copper given them ; they went 
away so well contented, that this was spread amongst all the 
Salvages for a miracle, that Captaine Smith could make a 
man aUve that is dead. These and many other such prett}^ 
accidents so amazed and affrighted both Powhatan and all his 
people, that from all parts with presents they desired peace; 
returning many stolne things w^hich wee neither demaunded 
nor thought of. And after that, those that were taken steal- 
ing, both Powhatan and his people have sent them backe to 
James Towne to receive their punishment; and all the coun- 
trie became absolutely as free for us, as for themselves. 



CHAPTER XI 

What was done in three monthes having victuall. The store 
devoured hy rats. Hoiv we lived 3 monthes of such na- 
turall fruits as the countrie afforded. 

Now wee so quietly followed our businesse that in 3 monthes, 
we made 3 or 4 Last^ of pitch, and tarre, and sope ashes ; pro- 
duced a triall of glasse ; made a well in the forte of excellent 

^ A last of pitch or tar is fourteen barrels; of ashes, twelve. 



1609] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 185 

sweete water, which till then was wanting; built some 20 
houses ; re-covered our Church ; provided nets and weares for 
fishing; and to stop the disorders of our disorderly theeves 
and the Salvages, built a blocke house in the necke of our Ile,^ 
kept by a garrison, to entertaine the Salvages trade, and none 
to passe or repasse. Salvage nor Christian, without the Presi- 
dents order ; 30 or 40 acres of ground, we digged and planted ; 
of 3 sowes, in one yeare increased 60 and od pigges ; and neere 
500 chickens brought up themselves, without having any 
meate ^ given them : but the hogges were transported to Hog 
He, where also we built a blocke house, with a garrison, to give 
us notice of any shipping; and for their exercise, they made 
clapbord, wainscot, and cut downe trees against the ships 
comming. We built also a fort for a retreat, neare a convenient 
river, upon a high commanding hill, very hard to be assaulted, 
and easie to be defended : ^ but ere it was halfe finished, this 
defect caused a stay. In searching our casked corne, wee 
found it halfe rotten : and the rest so consumed with the many 
thousand rats, increased first from the ships, that we knewe 
not how to keepe that Uttle wee had. This did drive us all to 
our wits ende ; for there was nothing in the countrie but what 
nature afforded.^ Untill this time Kemps and Tassore were 
fettered prisoners, and daily wrought ; and taught us how to 
order and plant our fields : whom now, for want of victuall, we 
set at libertie; but so w^el were they used, that they little 
desired it. And to express their loves, for 16 dales continuance, 
the Countrie brought us (when least) 100 a dale of squirrils, 
Turkies, Deare, and other wilde beastes. But this want of 
corne occasioned the end of all our workes, it being worke 
sufficient to provide victuall. 60 or 80 with Ensigne Laxon 
were sent downe the river to five upon oysters : and 20 with 

^ Jamestown Peninsula. ^ Food. 

3 A mile up Gray's Creek (formerly Rolfe's Creek), opposite to James- 
town, is a bluff still called Smith's Fort, protected by water on three sides. 
It appears under this name in the land-grants as early as 1635. 

^This condition of things was not very creditable to Smith's circum- 
spection. 



186 NAEKATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1609 

lieftenant Percie to trie for fishing at point Comfort, but in 
6 weekes, they would not agree once to cast out their net. 
Mr West, with as many, went up to the falles; but nothing 
could bee found but a fewe berries and acornes. Of that in the 
store, every one had their equall proportion. Till this present, 
by the hazard and endeavour of some 30 or 40, this whole 
number had ever been fed. Wee had more Sturgeon then could 
be devoured by dogge and man; of w^hich, the industrious 
by drying and pownding, mingled with caviare, sorrel and 
other wholsome hearbs, would make bread and good meate. 
Others would gather as much Tockwough roots in a day as 
would make them bread a weeke. So that of those wilde 
fruites, fish, and berries these Hved very well, in regard of such a 
diet. But such was the most strange condition of some 150, 
that had they not beene forced nolens volens perforce to gather 
and prepare their victuall, they would all have starved, and 
have eaten one another. Of those wild fruites, the Salvages 
often brought us : and for that the President would not fulfill 
the unreasonable desire of those distracted lubberly gluttons, 
to sell not onl}^ our kettles, howes, tooles, and Iron, nay swords, 
peeces, and the very ordenance and houses (might they have 
prevailed but to have beene but idle) for those salvage 
fruits, they would have imparted all to the Salvages. Es- 
pecially for one basket of corne they heard of to bee at 
Powhatans, 50 myles from our fort : though he bought neere 
halfe of it to satisfie their humours ; yet to have had the other 
halfe, they would have sold their soules, though not sufficient 
to have kept them a weeke. Thousands were their exclama- 
tions, suggestions, and devises to force him to those base 
inventions, to have made it an occasion to abandon the Coun- 
trie. Want perforce constrained him to indure their exclaim- 
ing follies, till he found out the author, one Dyer, a most craftie 
knave, and his ancient mahgner; whom he worthely punished: 
and with the rest, he argued the case, in this manner, 

Fellow souldiers, I did little thinke any so false to report, or 
so many so simple to be perswaded, that I either intend to starve 



1609] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 187 

you; or that Powhatan at this present hath corne for himself e, 
much lesse for you : or that I would not have it, if I knewe where it 
were to be had. Neither did I thinke any so malitious as nowe I 
see a great many : yet it shall not so much passionate me, but I 
will doe my best for my worst maligner. But dreame no longer of 
this vaine hope from Powhatan; nor that I wil longer forbeare 
to force you from your Idlenesse, and punish you if you raile. You 
cannot deny but that by the hazard of my hfe, many a time I have 
saved yours; when (might your owne wils have prevailed) you 
would have starved, and will doe still whether I will or no. But 
I protest by that God that made me, since necessitie hath not power 
to force you to gather for your selvs those fruits the earth doth 
yeeld; you shall not only gather for your selves, but for those 
that are sicke. As yet I never had more from the store then the 
worst of you, and all my English extraordinarie provision ^ that T 
have, you shall see mee devide among the sick. 

And this Salvage trash you so scornfully repine at, being put in 
your mouthes, your stomacks can digest it ; and therefore I will take 
a course you shall provide it. The sicke shal not starve, but equally 
share of all our labours ; and every one that gathereth not every 
day as much as I doe, the next dale, shall be set beyond the river, 
and for ever bee banished from the fort : and live there or starve. 

This order, many murmured, was very cruell. But it 
caused the most part so well bestir themselves that of 200 men 
(except they were drowned), there died not past 7 or 8. As 
for Captaine Win and Mr Ley, they died ere this want hap- 
pened : and the rest died not for want of such as preserved the 
rest. Many were billitted among the Salvages, whereby we 
knewe all their passages, fieldes, and habitations; how to 
gather and use their fruits as well as themselves. 

So well those poore Salvages used us, that were thus Bil- 
lited, as divers of the souldiers ran away, to search ^ Kemps 
our old prisoner. Glad was this Salvage to have such an 
occasion to testifie his love, for insteed of entertaining them 
and such things as they had stolne, with all the great offers 
and promises they made them (to revenge their injuries upon 

^ Private provisions. - Search for. 



188 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1609 

Captaine Smith): First, he made himselfe sport, in shewing 
his countrymen, by them, how he was used; feeding them 
with this law, who would not worke must not eat, till they were 
neere starved ; continuallie threatning to beate them to death. 
Neither could they get from him, til perforce he brought them 
to our Captaine, that so we contented him, and punished them ; 
as manie others that intended also to have followed them, 
were rather contented to labour at home then adventure to 
hve Idle among the Salvages ; of whom there was more hope 
to make better christians and good subjects, then the one halfe 
of those that counterfeited themselves both. For so afeard 
were all those kings and the better sorte of their people to 
displease us, that some of the baser sort that we have extream- 
lie hurt and punished for their villanies, would hire us, that we 
should not tell it to their kings or countrymen, who would 
also repunish them, and yet returne them to James Towne to 
content the President, by that testimonie of their loves. 

Mr Sicklemore well returned from Chawonock, but found 
Httle hope and lesse certainetie of them [that] were left by Sir 
Walter Rawley.^ So that Nathaniell Powell and Anas Tod- 
kill were also, by the Quiyoughquohanocks, conducted to the 
Mangoages to search them there. But nothing could we leame 
but they were all dead. This honest, proper, good pro mis- 
keeping king, of all the rest, did ever best affect us, and though 
to his false Gods he was yet very zealous ; yet he would con- 
fesse, our God as much exceeded his, as our guns did his bo we 
and arrowes: often sending our President manie presents 
to praie to his God for raine, or his corne would perish; for 
his Gods were angrie all this time. To reclaime the Dutch- 
men, and one Bent ley an other fugitive, we imploied one Will- 
iam Volda (a Switzer by birth), wdth pardons and promises 
to regaine them. Litle we then suspected this double villanie 
of anie villain, who plainly taught us, in the most trust was 
the greatest treason. For this wicked hypocrit, by the seem- 
mg hate he bore to the lewd condition of his cursed countrimen, 

* In 1587. See p. 17, note 2. 



1609] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 189 

having this opportunities by his imploiment to regaine them, 
conveighed them everie thing they desired to effect their project 
to destroie the colonic. With much devotion they expected 
the Spanyard, to whom they intended to have done good 
service. But to begin with the first oportunitie, they seeing 
necessitie thus inforced us to disperse our selves, importuned 
Powhatan to lend them but his forces, and they would not onlie 
destroie our hogs, fire our towne, and betraie our Pinnas: 
but bring to his service and subjection the most part of our 
companies. With this plot they had acquainted manie dis- 
contents; and manie were agreed to their divelish practise. 
But Thomas Douese and Thomas Mallard, whose christian 
harts much relenting at such an unchristian act, voluntarily 
revealed it to Captaine Smith: who did his best it might be 
concealed, perswading Douese and Malard to proceed in the 
confederacie, onlie to bring the irreclamable Dutch men and 
inconstant Salvages in such a maner amongst his ambuscadoes 
as he had prepared, as not manie of them shoulde ever have 
returned from out our peni[n]sula. But this brute comming 
to the ears of the impatient multitude, they so importuned 
the President to cut of [f] those Dutchmen, as amongst manie 
that offered to cut their throates before the face of Powhatan, 
Master Wiffin and Jefra Abot were sent to stab or shoot them. 
But these Dutch men made such excuses, accusing Volday 
(whom they supposed had revealed their project), as Abbot 
would not ; yet Wiffin would, perceiving it but deceipt. The 
king understanding of this their imploiment, sent presenthe 
his messengers to Captaine Smith to signifie it was not his 
fault to detaine them, nor hinder his men from executing his 
command ; nor did he, nor would he maintaine them or anie, 
to occasion his displeasure. But ere this busines was brought 
to a point, God having scene our misery sufficient, sent in 
Captaine Argall ^ to fish for Sturgion, with a ship well furnished 
with wine and bisket ; which, though it was not sent us, such 

* The celebrated Captain Samuel Argall, navigator, destroyer (1613) of the 
French settlements on Mt. Desert and at Port Royal, deputy-governor of Vir- 
ginia 1617-1619, and a member from 1622 of the Council for New England. 



190 NAKKATIVES OF EAELY VIRGINIA [1609 

were our occasions we tooke it at a price : but left him sufficient 
to returne for England. Still dissembling Valdo his villany ; but 
certainlie hee had not escaped, had the President continued. 

By this you may see, for all those crosses, treacheries, and 
dissentions; howe he wrastled and overcame (without bloud 
shed) all that hapned : also what good was done, how few died, 
what food the country naturally affordeth ; what small cause 
there is men should starve, or be murdered by the Salvages, 
that have discretion to manage this ^ courage and industry. 
The 2. first years though by his adventures he had oft brought 
the Salvages to a tractable trade, yet you see how the en^dous 
authority ever crossed him, and frustrated his best endeavours. 
Yet this wrought in him that experience and estimation among 
the Salvages, as otherwaies it had bin impossible he had ever 
effected that he did. Though the many miserable yet generous 
and worthy adventures he had long and oft indured as wel in 
some parts of Africa and America, as in the most partes of 
Europe and Asia, by land or sea, had taught him much : yet, 
in this case, he was againe to learne his Lecture^ by experience ; 
which with thus much a doe having obtained, it was his ill 
chance to end when hee had but onlie learned how to begin. 
And though hee left these unknowne difficulties (made easie 
and famihar) to his unlawfuU successors ; whoe onUe by Uving in 
James Towne, presumed to know more then al the world could 
direct them ; though they had all his souldiers, with their triple 
power, and twise triple better meanes : by what they have done 
in his absence, the world doth see ; and what they would have 
done in his presence, had he not prevented their indiscretions — 
it doth justUe approve what cause he had to send them for Eng- 
land. But they have made it more plaine since their returne: 
having his absolute authoritie freely in their power, with all the 
advantages and opportunity that his labours had effected. As I 
am sorry their actions have made it so manifest, so am I unwill- 
ing to say what reason doth compell me to make apparant the 
truth, least I should seeme partial, reasonlesse, or mahtious. 

* Manage vnth. 'Lesson. 



1609] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 191 

CHAPTER XII 

The Arival of the third supply. 

To redresse those jarres and ill proceedings, the Councell 
in England altered the governement : and devolved the au- 
thoritie to the Lord De-la~ware. Who for his deputie, sent 
Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George Somers/ With 9 ships and 
500 persons, they set saile from England in May 1609. A 
small catch perished at sea in a Herycano. The Admiral,^ 
with 150 men, with the two knights and their new commission, 
their bils of loading with al manner of directions, and the most 
part of their provision, arived not. With the other 7, as Cap- 
taines, arived Ratliffe (whose right name was Sickelmore), 
Martin, and Archer: w^ho as they had been troublesome at 
sea, beganne againe to marre all ashore. For though, as is 
said, they were formerly deposed and sent for England: yet 
now returning againe, graced by the title of Captaines of the 
passengers, seeing the admirall wanting, and great probabilitie 
of her losse, strengthned themselves w^ith those newe com- 
panies, so railing and exclaiming against Captaine Smith, that 
they mortally hated him ere ever they see his face. Who 
understanding by his scouts, the arivall of such a fleet, 
little dreaming of any such supply, supposing them Spaniards, 
hee so determined and ordered his affaires as wee little feared 
their arivall, nor the successe of our incounter: nor were the 
Salvages any way negligent or unwilling to aide and assist 

^ This is an error. Sir Thomas Gates was given the first commission as 
governor of Virginia. Lord Delaware was second governor, though the 
office was given him for Hfe. Sir Thomas Gates, a soldier in the Elizabethan 
and Low-Country wars, was one of the original incorporators of the Virginia 
Company, and is named first in the charter; governor, 1609-1610, 1611-1614; 
a member of the Council of New England estabhshed in 1620. Sir George 
Somers had commanded important naval expeditions in the last years of Queen 
Elizabeth, and had been a member of Parliament under King James. 

^ Admiral in the sense of flagship ; the Sea Venture, wrecked on the 
Bermuda Islands. 



192 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1609 

US with their best power. Had it so beene, wee had beene 
happy. For we would not have trusted them but as our foes ; 
whereas receiving those as our countriemen and friends, they 
did their best to murder our President, to surprise the store, 
the fort, and our lodgings; to usurp the governement, and 
make us all their servants, and slaves to our owne merit. To 
1000 mischief es these lewd Captaines led this lewd company, 
wherein were many unruly gallants packed thether by their 
friends to escape il destinies: and those would dispose and 
determine of the governement, sometimes one, the next day 
another, to day the old commission, to morrow the new, the 
next day by neither. In fine, they would rule all or ruine all. 
Yet in charitie, we must endure them thus to destroy us; or 
by correcting their follies, have brought the worlds censure 
upon us, to have beene guiltie of their bloods. Happy had we 
bin had they never arrived, and we for ever abandoned and 
(as we were) left to our fortunes : for on earth was never more 
confusion or miserie then their factions occasioned. 

The President seeing the desire those braves had to rule, 
seeing how his authoritie was so unexpectedly changed, would 
willingly have left all and have returned for England: but 
seeing there was smal hope this newe commission would arive, 
longer hee would not suffer those factious spirits to proceed. 
It would bee too tedious, too strange, and almost incredible, 
should I particularly relate the infinite dangers, plots, and 
practises hee daily escaped amongst this factious crue; the 
chiefe whereof he quickly laid by the heeles, til his leasure 
better served to doe them justice. And to take away al occa- 
sions of further mischiefe, Mr Persie had his request granted, 
to returne for England : and Mr West ^ with 120 went to plant at 
the falles ; Martin with neare as many to Nansamund ; with their 
due proportions of all provisions, according to their numbers. 

Now the Presidents yeare being neere expired, he made 
Martin President: who knowing his own insufficiencie, and 

* Francis West, afterward deputy-governor of Virginia, a younger 
brother of Lord Delaware. 



1609] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 193 

the companies scorne, and conceit of his unworthinesse, within 
3 houres, resigned it againe to Captane Smith : and at Nansa- 
mund thus proceeded. The people being contributers used 
him kindly. Yet such was his jealous feare and cowardize, 
in the midst of his mirth, hee did surprize this poore naked 
king, with his monuments, houses, and the He he inhabited; 
and there fortified himselfe, but so apparantly distracted with 
fear as imboldned the Salvages to assalt him, kill his men, 
redeeme their king, gather and carrie away more then 1000 
bushels of corne, hee not once daring to intercept them : but 
sent to the President, then at the Falles, for 30 good shotte, 
which from James towne immediatly were sent him. But hee 
so well imploid them, as they did just nothing; but returned, 
complaining of his childishnesse, that with them fled from his 
company, and so left them to their fortunes. 

Master West having seated his men at the Falles, presently 
returned to revisit James Towne. The President met him 
by the way, as he followed him to the falles : where he found 
this company so inconsiderately seated in a place, not only 
subject to the rivers inundation, but round invironed with 
many intoUerable inconveniences. 

For remedy whereof, he sent presently to Powhatan, to 
sell him the place called Powhatan, promising to defend him 
against the Monacans, and these should be his conditions: 
with his people, to resigne him the fort and houses and all that 
countrie for a proportion of copper. That all stealing offenders 
should bee sent him, there to receive their punishment. That 
every house as a custome * should pay him a bushell of corne 
for an inch square of copper, and a proportion of Pocones as 
a yearely tribute to King James for their protection, as a 
dutie: what else they could spare, to barter at their best 
discreation. 

But both this excellent place and those good conditions 
did those furies ^ refuse, contemning both him, his kind care, 
and authoritie. The worst they could to shew their spite, they 

^ Tax. ^ West's men. 

o 



194 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1609 

did. I doe more then wonder to thinke how only with 5 men, 
he either durst, or would adventure as he did (knowing how 
greedy they were of his blood) to land amongst them, and com- 
mit to imprisonment the greatest spirits amongst them, till 
by their multitudes, being 120, they forced him to retire. Yet 
in that retreate, hee surprised one of the boates, wherewith 
hee returned to their shippe wherein was their provisions, 
which also hee tooke. And well it chaunced hee found the 
marriners so tractable and constant, or there had beene small 
possibility he had ever escaped. Notwithstanding there were 
many of the best, I meane of the most worthy in Judgement, 
reason, or experience, that from their first landing, hearing 
the generall good report of his old souldiers, and seeing with 
their eies his actions so wel managed with discretion (as Cap- 
taine Wood, Captaine Web, Captaine Mone, Captaine Phitz- 
James, Mr Partridge, Mr White, Mr Powell, and divers others) : 
when they perceived the malice and condition of Ratliffe, 
Martin, and Archer, left their factions, and ever rested his 
faithfull friends. But the worst was, the poore Salvages that 
dailie brought in their contribution to the President. That 
disorderlie company so tormented those poore naked soules, 
by stealing their corne, robbing their gardens, beating them, 
breaking their houses, and keeping some prisoners, that they 
dailie complained to Captaine Smith he had brought them for 
protectors worst enimies then the Monocans themselves: 
which though till then, for his love, they had indured, they 
desired pardon, if hereafter they defended themselves, since 
he would not correct them, as they had long expected he would. 
So much they importuned him to punish their misdemeanores, 
as they offered, if hee would conduct them, to fight for him 
against them. But having spent 9. dales in seeking to reclaime 
them, shewing them how much they did abuse themselves 
with their great guilded hopes of seas, mines, commodities, or 
victories they so madly conceived ; then, seing nothing would 
prevaile with them, he set saile for James Towne. Now no 
sooner was the ship vmder saile, but the Salvages assaulted 
those 120 in their fort, finding some stragling abroad in the 



1609] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 195 

woods, they slew manie; and so affrighted the rest as their 
prisoners escaped, and they scarse retired, with the swords 
and cloaks of these they had slaine. But ere we ^ had sailed 
a league, our shippe grounding, gave us once more libertie 
to summon them to a parlie. WTiere we found them all so 
strangelie amazed with this poore simple assault as they sub- 
mitted themselves upon anie tearmes to the Presidents mer- 
cie : who presenthe put by the heels ^ 6 or 7 of the chiefe 
offenders. The rest he seated gallantlie at Powhatan in their 
Salvage fort, they built and pretiUe fortified with poles and 
barkes of trees sufficient to have defended them from all the 
Salvages in Virginia, drie houses for lodgings, 300 acres of 
grounde readie to plant; and no place so strong, so pleas- 
ant and delightful in Virginia, for which we called it Nonsuch. 
The Salvages also he presentlie appeased, redelivering to every 
one their former losses. Thus al were friends, new officers 
appointed to command, and the President againe readie to 
depart. But at that instant arrived Mr West, whose good 
nature, with the perswasions and compassion of ^ those muti- 
nous prisoners, was so much abused, that to regaine their old 
hopes, new turboiles ^ arose. For the rest, being possessed 
of al their victuall, ammunition and everie thing ; they grow 
to that height in their former factions, as there the President 
left them to their fortunes : they returning againe to the open 
aire at West Fort, abandoning Nonsuch; and he to James 
Towne with his best expedition. But this hapned him in 
that Journie:^ 

Sleeping in his boat, for the ship was returned 2 dales before, 
accidentallie one fired his powder bag; which tore his flesh 
from his bodie and thighes 9. or 10. inches square, in a most 
pittifull manner: but to quench the tormenting fire, frying 
him in his cloaths, he leaped over board into the deepe river, 
where ere they could recover him, he was neere drownd. In 
this estat, without either Chirurgeon or chirurgery, he was to 

' Richard Pott and William Phettiplace. ' Put in irons. 

' By the persuasions of, and through his compassion for. 

* Dissensions. ' About the beginning of September, 1609. 



196 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1609 

go neare 100. miles/ Ariving at James Towne, causing ^ 
all things to bee prepared for peace or warres/ to obtain pro- 
vision. Whilest those things were providing, Martin, Ratliffe, 
and Archer being to have their trials, their guiltie consciences 
fearing a just reward for their deserts, seeing the President 
unable to stand, and neare bereft of his senses by reason of his 
torment ; they had plotted to have murdered him in his bed. 
But his hart did faile him,^ that should have given fire to that 
mercilesse pistol. So, not finding that course to be the best, 
they joined togither to usurp the governement, thereby to 
escape their punishment, and excuse themselves by accusing 
him. The President had notice of their projects, the which 
to withstand, though his old souldiers importuned him but 
permit them to take of[f] their heads that would resist his 
commaund ; yet he would not permit them : but sent for the 
masters of the ships, and tooke order with them, for his retiu'ne 
for England. 

Seeing there was neither chirurgeon nor chirurgery in the 
fort to cure his hurt, and the ships to depart the next dale; 
his commission to be suppressed, he knew not why; himselfe 
and souldiers to be rewarded, he knew not how; and a new 
commission graunted, they knew not to whom, the which so 
disabled that authority he had, as made them presume so oft 
to those mutinies and factions as they did. Besides so grievous 
were his wounds and so cruell his torment few expected he 
could live ; nor was hee able to follow his businesse, to regaine 
what they had lost, suppresse those factions, and range the 
countries for provision as he intended, and well he knew in 
those affaires his own actions and presence were as requisit as 
his experience and directions, which now could not be: he 
went presently abord, resolving there to appoint them govem- 
ours, and to take order for the mutiners and their confederates. 
Who seeing him gone, perswaded Master Persie to stay, and 
be their President: and within lesse then an howre was this 
mutation begun and concluded. For when the company 

' The distance by water from Powhatan to Jamestown was about 68 miles. 
^ He caused. ^ After '^warres" supply *'and." ^ Coe or Dyer. 



1009] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 197 

understood Smith would leave them, and see the rest in Armes 
called Presidents and councellors; divers began to fawne on 
those new commanders, that now bent all their wits to get him 
resigne them his commission. Who, after many salt and 
bitter repulses, that their confusion should not be attributed 
to him (for leaving the country without government and au- 
thority), having taken order to bee free from danger of their 
malice, he was not unwilling they should steale it from him, 
but never consented to deliver it to any. But had that un- 
happy blast not hapned, he would quickly have quallified the 
heate of those humors and factions, had the ships but once left 
them and us to our fortunes ; and have made that provision 
from among the Salvages as we neither feared Spanyard, 
Salvage, nor famine: nor would have left Virginia, nor our 
lawfull authoritie, but at as deare a price as we had bought it, 
and paid for it. 

What shall I say ? but thus we lost him that, in all his pro- 
ceedings, made Justice his first guid, and experience his second ; 
ever hating basenesse, sloth, pride, and indignitie more then 
any dangers; that never allowed more for himself e then 
his souldiers with him; that upon no danger, would send 
them where he would not lead them himselfe; that would 
never see us want what he either had, or could by any meanes 
get us; that would rather want then borrow, or starve then 
not pay; that loved actions more than wordes, and hated 
falshood and cousnage worse then death; whose adven- 
tures were our lives, and whose losse our deathes. Leaving 
us ^ thus, with 3 ships, 7 boates, commodities ready to trade, 
the harvest newly gathered, 10 weekes provision in the store, 
490 and odde persons, 24 peeces of ordinances, 300 muskets 
snaphanches and fire lockes,^ shot powder and match sufficient ; 
curats, pikes, swords, and moryons more then men; the Sal- 
vages their language and habitations wel knowne to 100 well 
trained and expert souldiers, nets for fishing, tooles of all sortes 

1 About October 4, 1609. 

^ A snaphance was fired by flint and steel, a firelock by means of a 
match. Curat, below, means a cuirass; a morion was a steel cap. 



198 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1609 

to worke, apparell to supply our wants, 6 mares and a horse, 
5 or 600 swine, as many hens and chicken, some goates, some 
sheep. AVhat was brought or bread there remained/ But 
they regarded nothing but from hand to mouth, to consume 
that we had ; tooke care for nothing, but to perfit ^ some colour- 
able complaints aganst Captaine Smith. For effecting whereof, 
3 weekes longer they stayed the 6 ships till they could produce 
them. That time and charge might much better have beene 
spent ; but it suted well with the rest of their discreations. 

Now all those Smith had either whipped, punished, or 
any way disgraced, had free power and liberty to say or sweare 
any thing; and from a whole armefull of their examinations 
this was concluded. 

The mutiners at the Falles complained he caused the Sal- 
vages assalt them, for that hee would not revenge their losse 
(they being but 120, and he 5 men and himself e) : and this 
they proved by the oath of one hee had oft whipped for per- 
jurie and pilfering. The dutchmen that he had appointed 
to bee stabd for their treacheries, swore he sent to poison them 
with rats baine. The prudent Councel that he would not sub- 
mit himself e to their stolne authoritie. Coe and Dyer that 
should have murdered him, were highly preferred for swearing 
they heard one say, he heard Powhatan say, that he heard a 
man say, if the king would not send that corne he had, he 
should not long enjoy his copper crowne, nor those robes he 
had sent him : yet those also swore hee might have had corne 
for tooles but would not. (The truth was, Smith had no such 
ingins ^ as the King demanded, nor Powhatan any corne. Yet 
this argued he would starve them.) Others complained hee 
would not let them rest in the fort (to starve), but force them 
to the oyster banks, to live or starve (as he lived himselfe). 
For though hee had of his owne private provisions sent from 

* As many of these articles had been brought in by the newcomers, 
Smith was not entitled to the full credit. According to his own statement 
the colony was " at its wit's end," by the rats, and quartered all about among 
the Indians, when the newcomers arrived. 

' Perfect. ' Engines, i.e tools. 



i609j PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 199 

England, sufficient ; yet hee gave it all away to the weake and 
sicke : causing the most untoward (by doing as he did) to 
gather their food from the unknowne parts of the rivers and 
woods, that they lived (though hardly), that otherwaies would 
have starved ere they would have left their beds, or at most the 
sight of James Towne, to have got their own victual 1. Some 
propheticall spirit calculated hee had the Salvages in such sub- 
jection, hee would have made himself e a king, by marrying 
Pocahontas, Powhatans daughter. (It is true she was the very 
Nonpareil of his kingdome, and at most not past 13 or 14 yeares 
of age. Very oft shee came to our fort, with what shee could 
get for Captaine Smith ; that ever loved and used all the Coun- 
trie well, but her especially he ever much respected : and she so 
well requited it, that when her father intended to have surprized 
him, shee by stealth in the darke night came through the wild 
woods and told him of it. But her marriage could no way have 
intitled him by any right to the kingdome, nor was it ever 
suspected hee had ever such a thought ; or more regarded her, 
or any of them, than in honest reason and discreation he might. 
If he would, he might have married her, or have done what 
him listed ; for there was none that could have hindred his de- 
termination.) Some that knewe not any thing to say, the Coun- 
cel instructed and advised what to sweare. So diligent they 
were in this businesse, that what any could remember hee had 
ever done or said in mirth, or passion, by some circumstantiall 
oath it was applied to their fittest use. Yet not past 8 or 9 
could say much, and that nothing but circumstances which all 
men did knowe was most false and untrue. Many got their 
passes by promising in England to say much against him. I 
have presumed to say this much in his behalfe, for that I never 
heard such foule slanders so certainely beleeved and urged for 
truthes by many a hundred that doe still not spare to spread 
them, say them, and sweare them; that I thinke doe scarse 
know him though they meet him : nor have they ether cause or 
reason but their wills, or zeale to rumor or opinion. For the 
honorable and better sort of our Virginian adventurers, I think 
they understand it as I have writ it. For instead of accusing 



200 NAKKAXIVES OF EAKLY VIKGIXIA [1610 

him, I have never heard an}' give him a better report, then many 
of those witnesses themselves that were sent home only to tes- 
tifie against him. Richard Pots, W. P[hettiplace]. 

When the ships departed, Davis arived in a smal Pinnace 
with some 16 proper men more : to those were added a company 
from James Towne under the command of Captaine Ratliffe, 
to inhabit Point comfort/ Martin and Mr West having lost 
their boates, and neere halfe their men amongst the Salvages, 
Were returned to James Towne; for the Salvages no sooner 
understood of Captaine Smiths losse, but they all revolted, and 
did murder and spoile all they could incounter. Now were we 
all constrained to live only of that which Smith had only for 
his owne company, for the rest had consumed their proportions. 
And now have we 20 Presidents with all their appurtenances ; 
for Mr Persie was so sicke he could not goe nor stand. 
But ere all was consumed, Mr West and Ratliffe, each with a 
pinnace, and 30 or 40 men wel appointed, sought abroad to 
trade : how they carried the businesse I knowe not, but Rat- 
liffe and his men were most[ly] slaine by Powhatan ; those that 
escaped returned neare starved in the Pinnace. And Mr 
West finding little better successe, set saile for England. Now 
wee all found the want of Captaine Smith, yea his greatest 
maligners could then curse his losse. Now for corne, provision, 
and contribution from the Salvages ; wee had nothing but mor- 
tal wounds with clubs and arrowes. As for our hogs, hens, 
goats, sheep, horse, or what lived ; our commanders and officers 
did daily consume them : some small proportions (sometimes) 
we tasted, till all was devoured. Then swords, arrowes, 
peeces, or any thing we traded to the Salvages ; whose bloody 
fingers were so imbrued in our bloods, that what by their 
crueltie, our Governours indiscreation, and the losse of our 
ships ; of 500, within 6 months after ^ there remained not many 
more then 60. most miserable and poore creatures. It were 

* Ratcliffe built a fort at Point Comfort after the ships departed in 
October, 1609, which was called "Algernourne Fort." 
' From October, 1609, to May, 1610. 



1610] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 201 

to[o] vild to say what we endured : but the occasion was only our 
owne, for want of providence, industrie, and governement ; and 
not the barrennesse and defect of the countrie, as is generally 
supposed. For till then, in 3 yeares (for the numbers were landed 
us) ^ we had never landed sufficient provision for 6 months : such 
a glutton is the sea, and such good fellowes the marriners, wee 
as little tasted of those great proportions for their provisions, as 
they of our miseries ; that notwithstanding ever swaid and over- 
ruled the businesse. Though we did live as is said, 3 yeares 
chiefly of what this good countrie naturally aff ordeth : yet 
now had we beene in Paradice it selfe (with those governours) 
it would not have beene much better with us : yet was there 
some amongst us, who had they had the governement, would 
surely have kept us from those extremities of miseries, that 
in 10 dales more would have supplanted us all by death. 

But God that would not it should bee unplanted, sent Sir 
Thomas Gates and Sir George Sommers, with a 150 men, most 
happily perserved by the Ber [mjondoes to preserve us. Strange 
it is to say how miraculously they were preserved, in a leaking 
ship, in those extreme stormes and tempests in such overgrowne 
seas 3 dales and 3 nights by bayling out water. And having 
given themselvs to death, how happily when least expected, that 
worthy Captaine Sir George Somers having l[a]ine all that time 
cuningHhe ship before those swalowing waves, discovered those 
broken lies :^ where howplentifully they lived with fish and flesh, 
what a paradice this is to inhabit, what Industrie they used to 
build their 2 ships, how happily they did transport them to James 
Towne in Virginia,^ I refer you to their owne printed relations. 

But when those noble knights did see our miseries (being 
strangers to the country) and could understand no more of the 
cause but by their conjecture of our clamors and complaints, of 
accusing or excusing one another : they imbarked us with them- 
selves, with the best means they could, and abandoning James 
Towne, set saile for England. 

* I.e., in consideration of the numbers of new colonists that were landed 
to us. 2 Directing the steering. 

» The Bermudas. " Where they arrived Mav 23, 1610. 



202 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1610 

But yet God would not so have it, for ere wee left the 
river; we met the Lord de-la-ware, then governour for the 
countrie, with 3 ships exceeding well furnished with al neces- 
saries fitting: who againe returned them to the abandoned 
James Towne, the 9 of June, 1610. accompanied with Sir 
P^erdinando Wainman, and divers other gentlemen of sort/ 
Sir George Somers and Captaine Argall he presentlie dispatcheth 
to require the Bermondas to furnish them with provision: 
Sir Thomas Gates for England to helpe forward their supplies ; 
himselfe neglected not the best was in his power for the fur- 
therance of the busines and regaining what was lost. But 
even in the beginning of his proceedings, his Lordship had such 
an incounter with a scurvy sicknesse, that made him unable 
to weld ^ the state of his bodie, much lesse the affaires of the 
colonic, so that after 8. monthes sicknesse, he was forced to 
save his life by his returne for England. 

In this time Argall not finding the Bermondas, having 
lost Sir George Somers at sea, fell on the coast of Sagadahock ; ^ 
where refreshing himselfe, found a convenient fishing for Cod. 
With a tast whereof, hee returned to James towne, from 
whence the Lord De-la-ware sent him to trade in the river of 
Patawomecke. WTiere finding an English boy ^ those people 
had preserved from the furie of Powhatan, by his acquaintance, 
had such good usage of those kind Salvages, that they fraughted 
his ship with corne ; wherewith he returned to James Towne : 
and so for England, with the Lord Governour. Yet before 
his returne, the adventurers had sent Sir Thomas Dale ^ with 



* Quality. ' Wield, i.e., to manage. ' Maine. 

* Henry Spelman, son of Sir Henry Spelman, the antiquary; given to 
Powhatan by Smith in August, 1609. After several years of life among the 
savages and of service to the colony as interpreter, he was killed by the 
Anacostan Indians in 1623. 

^ Sir Thomas Dale was a soldier in the service of the United Netherlands 
in the period 1588-1595, an attendant upon Prince Henry in Scotland, 1595- 
1603, and again in the Dutch military service, 1603-1611. After his six 
years of distinguished service to Virginia, 1611-1617, he sailed early in 1618 
to the East in command of the East India Company's fleet. After valiant 
exploits, he died at Masulipatam in August, 1619. 



lau] FEOCEEDIKGS OF THE ENGLISH COLONY 203 

3 ships, men and cattell, and all other provisions necessarie 
for a yeare: all which arived the 10 of May, 1611. 

Againe, to second him with all possible expedition, there 
was prepared for Sir Thomas Gates, 6 tall ships with 300 men, 
and 100 kyne, with other cattell, with munition and all manner 
of provision could bee thought needfuU, and they arived about 
the 1 of August next after, safely at James towne. 

Sir George Somers all this time was supposed lost : but thus 
it hapned. Missing the Bermondas, hee fell also, as did Argall, 
with Sagadahock: where being refreshed, would not content 
himselfe with that repulse, but returned againe in the search ; 
and there safely arived/ But overtoiling himselfe, on a sur- 
feit died. And this Cedar ship built by his owne directions, 
and partly with his owne hands, that had not in her any iron 
but only one bolt in her keele, yet well endured thus tossed to 
and againe in this mightie Ocean, til with his dead bo [die] she 
arived in England at line : ^ and at Whitchurch in Dorsetshire, 
his body by his friends was honourably buried, with many 
volies of shot, and the rights of a souldier. And upon his 
Tombe was bestowed this Epitaph 

Hei mihi Virginia^ quod tam cito proeterit cestas, 
Autuimius sequitur, sceviet inde et hyerns. 

At ver perpetuum nascetur, et Anglia Iceta, 
Decerpit flores, Floryda terra tuos. 

Alas Virginia Somer so soone past, 
Autume succeeds and stormy winters blast, 
Yet Englands joyfuU spring with Aprill shewres, 
Floryda, shall bring thy sweetest flowers. 

Since, there was a ship fraughted with provision and 40 
men, and another since then, with the like number and pro- 
vision, to stay in the Countrie 12 months with Captaine Argall. 

The Lord governour himselfe doth confidently determine 
to goe with the next, or as presently as he may, in his owne 

* At the Bermudas. ^ At last. 



204 NAERATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1611 

person, with sundry other knights and gentlemen, with ships 
and men so farre as their meanes will extend to furnish. As 
for all their particular actions since the returne of Captaine 
Smith; for that they have beene printed from time to time, 
and published to the world, I cease farther to trouble you with 
any repetition of things so well knowne, more then are necessary. 
To conclude the historic, leaving this assurance to all posteritie, 
howe unprosperously things may succeed, by what changes 
or chances soever ; the action is honorable and worthie to bee 
approved, the defect whereof hath only beene in the managing 
the businesse: which I hope now experience hath taught 
them to amend, or those examples may make others to beware, 
for the land is as good as this booke doth report it. 

Captaine Smith I returne you the fruit of my labours, 
as Mr Croshaw ^ requested me, which I bestowed in reading 
the discourses, and hearing the relations of such which have 
walked and observed the land of Virginia with you. The 
pains I took was great : yet did the nature of the argument, 
and hopes I conceaved of the expedition, give me exceeding 
content. I cannot finde there is any thing, but what they all 
affirme, or cannot contradict: the land is good: as there is 
no citties, so no sonnes of Anak : al is open for labor of a good 
and wise inhabitant: and my prayer shall ever be, that so 
faire a land, may bee inhabited by those that prof esse and love 
the Gospell. 

Your friend, 

W.S. 

^ Raleigh Croshaw. 



THE RELATION OF THE LORD 
DE-LA-WARE, 1611 



INTRODUCTION 

The author of this letter, Thomas West, third Lord Dela- 
ware, was bom July 9, 1577, and was son of Thomas West, 
second Lord Delaware, and Anne, daughter of Sir Francis 
Knollys by Katherine Gary, first cousin to Queen Elizabeth and 
sister of Henry Gary, first Lord Hunsdon. He was a master 
of arts of the university of Oxford, and was knighted by Essex 
at Dublin, Ireland, July 12, 1599. He served with distinction 
in the Low Countries, was implicated in the Essex Rebellion, 
February 8, 1601, was imprisoned and pardoned. His father, 
the second lord, died March 24, 1602, and he succeeded as 
third Lord Delaware and also as member of the privy council 
of Queen Ehzabeth, and on her death became a privy councillor 
to James I. In 1609 he was a member of the superior council 
of the Virginia Company, and on February 28, 1610, was ap- 
pointed governor and captain-general of the Virginia colony 
for life. He arrived at Jamestown June 10, 1610, and re- 
established the colony, which he found deserting the settle- 
ment. After a stay of a year he was compelled to leave on 
account of his health, and went first to the West Indies and then 
to England. He remained in the latter country till 1618; 
in his absence the government in Virginia was administered by 
deputy-governors — Gates, Dale, Yeardey, and Argall. In the 
latter year he was sent again to Virginia to rescue the govern- 
ment from the hands of Samuel Argall, who had incurred 
the strong censure of the London Company, but on his way over 
he died, June 7, 1618. He married Cecily, daughter of Sir 
Thomas Sherley. His son and successor was Henry, fourth 
Lord Delaware, who married Isabella, daughter of Sir Thomas 

207 



■:()S NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA 

Edmonds, the ambassador. Governor Delaware had three 
brothers, Francis West, John West and Nathaniel West, who 
all Uved in Virginia, and the first two of whom were deputy- 
governors at different times; William West, a nephew, was 
killed by Indians at the Falls of James River, Virginia, in 1611. 
The Relation was entered for publication at Stationers' Hall 
on July 6, 1611. It was again printed by Purchas in his Pit' 
grimes, IV. 1762-1764, and Captain Smith gives some extracts 
from it in his Generall Historie (1624), p. 109. It was re- 
printed (fifty copies) in 1859, and again by Mr. Griswold (twenty 
copies) in 1868. In 1890 Alexander Brown printed it anew in 
his Genesis of the United States, At a sale in 1883, an original 
fetched $133. Originals are now preserved in this country in 
the Library of Congress, the Lenox and John Carter Brown 
libraries. Probably the chief value of the narrative proceeds 
from the strong defence it unconsciously affords of the character 
of the Virginia colonists. Here was Delaware given absolute 
power by a new charter estabhshed under the idea that the 
calamities in Virginia were due to the inveterate disposition 
of the Virginia colonists to quarrels and shiftlessness — a 
man toughened in war and given all the advantages of good 
hving and the best medical attention. And yet what a doleful 
complaint he makes of the ague, the dj^sentery, and the scurvy, 
which in short order bombarded him out of the colony. The 
London Company and its servants — Smith, Delaware, Gates, 
Dale, and others — ^'boomed" the company's management 
and the natural advantages of Virginia, and very unjustly 
threw the responsibility on the poor colonists, who suffered 
untold horrors from starvation and disease. 

L. G. T. 



THE RELATION OF THE LORD 
DE-LA-WARE, 1611 

The Relation of the Right Honourable the Lord De-La-Warre^ 
Lord Governour and Captaine Generall of the Colonie^ 
planted in Virginea. London : Printed by William Hall, 
for William Welbie, dwelling in Pauls Churchyeard at 
the Signe of the Swan. 1611} 

A Short Relation made by the Lord De-La-Warre, to the Lords 
and others of the Counsell of Virginia, touching his 
unexpected returne home, and afterwards delivered to the 
generall Assembly of the said Company, at a Court 
holden the twenty five of June, 1611. Published by 
authority of the said Counsell, 

My Lords, etc. 

Being now by accident returned from my Charge at Vir- 
ginea, contrary either to my owne desire, or other men's ex- 
pectations, who spare not to censm'e me, in point of duty, and 
to discourse and question the reason, though they apprehend 
not the true cause of my returne, I am forced, (out of a wiUing- 
nesse to satisfie every man) to dehver unto your Lordships, and 
the rest of this Assembly, brief ely (but truely), in what state I 
have hved, ever since my arrival to the Colonic; what hath 
beene the just occasion of my sudden departure thence; and 
in what termes I have left the same: The rather because I 
perceive, that since my comming into England, such a cold- 
nesse and irresolution is bred in many of the Adventurers ^ that 

* This italic heading is copied from the title-page of the original. 
^ The adventurers were those in England who subscribed to the stock 
of the London Company, the face value of whose shares was £12. 6s. 



210 NAKRATIVES OF EARLY VIKGINIA [1611 

some of them seeke to withdraw those paiments, which they 
have subscribed towards the Charge of the Plantation, and by 
which that Action must bee supported and maintained ; mak- 
ing this my returne the colour of their needlesse backwardnes 
and unjust protraction. Which, that you may the better 
understand, I must informe your Lordships, that presently 
after my arrival in James Towne, I was welcommed by a hote 
and violent Ague, which held mee a time, till by the advice of 
my Physition, Doctor Laurence Bohun,^ (by blood letting) I 
was recovered, as in my first Letters by Sir Thomas Gates I 
have informed you. That disease had not long left me, til 
(within three weekes after I had gotten a little strength) I 
began to be distempered with other greevous sicknesses, 
which successively and severally assailed me: for besides a 
relapse into the former disease, which w^ith much more violence 
held me more than a moneth, and brought me to great weake- 
nesse, the Flux ^ surprised me, and kept me many daies : then 
the Crampe assaulted my weak body, with strong paines ; and 
afterwards the Gout (with which I had heeretofore beene 
sometime troubled) afflicted mee in such sort, that making my 
body through weakenesse unable to stirre, or to use any maner 
of exercise, drew upon me the disease called the Scurvy ; which 
though in others it be a sicknesse of slothfulnesse, yet was in 
me an effect of weaknesse, which never left me, till I was upon 
the point to leave the world. 

These severall maladies and calamities, I am the more de- 
sirous to particularise unto Your Lordships (although they 
were too notorious to the whole Colonic) lest any man should 
misdeeme that under the general name and common excuse 
of sicknes, I went about to cloke either sloth, or feare, or anie 
other base apprehension, unworthy the high and generall 
charge which you had entrusted to my Fidelitie. 

^ He was " brought up among the most learned Surgeons and Physitions 
in the Netherlands." He was Idlled in 1621 in a sea-battle with the Span- 
iards, "wherein Dr. Bohun behaved most gallantly." See an account of 
the battle in the fourth book of Smith's Generall Historie, 'post, p. 340. 

* Dysentery. 



1611] LORD DE-LA-WARE'S RELATION 211 

In these extremities I resolved to consult my friends, who 
(finding Nature spent in me, and my body almost consumed, 
my paines likewise daily encreasing) gave me advise to preferre 
a hopefull recovery, before an assured ruine, which must neces- 
sarily have ensued, had I lived, but twenty dayes longer, in 
Virginia: wanting at that instant, both food and Physicke, 
fit to remedy such extraordinary diseases, and restore that 
strength so desperately decayed. 

Whereupon, after a long consultation held, I resolved by 
generall consent and perswasion, to ship my self for Mevis, 
an Island in the West Indies, famous for wholesome Bathes, 
there to try what help the Heavenly Providence would afford 
me, by the benefit of the hot Bathe : But God, who guideth all 
things, according to his good will and pleasure, so provided, 
that after wee had sailed an hundred Leagues, we met with 
Southerly windes which forced me to change my purpose (my 
body being altogether unable to endure the tediousnesse of a 
long voyage) and so sterne my course for the Western Islands,^ 
which I no sooner recovered, then I found help for my health, 
and my sicknesse asswaged, by meanes of fresh diet, and es- 
pecially of Orenges and Lemonds, an undoubted remedy and 
medicine for that disease, which lastly, and so long, had afflicted 
me : which ease as soone as I found, I resolved (although my 
body remained still feeble and weake), to returne backe to 
my charge in Virginia againe, but I was advised not to hazard 
my selfe before I had perfectly recovered my strength, which by 
Counsell I was perswaded to seeke in the naturall Ayre of my 
Countrey, and so I came for England. In which Accident,^ 
I doubt not but men of reason, and of judgement will imagine, 
there would more danger and prejudice have hapned by my 
death there, then I hope can doe by my returne. 

In the next place, I am to give accompt in what estate I 
left the Collony for government in my absence. It may please 
your Lordships therefore to understand that upon my depar- 
ture thence, I made choise of Captaine George Pearcie, (a 

* Azores. ' State of affairs. 



212 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1611 

gentleman of honour and resolution, and of no small experience 
in that place) to remaine Deputie Governour, untill the com- 
ming of the Marshall, Sir Thomas Dale, whose Commission 
was likewise to be determined, upon the arrivall of Sir Thomas 
Gates, according to the intent and order of your Lordships, 
and the Councill here. 

The number of men I left there were upward of two hun- 
dred, the most in health, and provided of at least tenne 
moneths victuals,^ in their store-house, (which is dail}^ 
issued unto them) besides other helps in the Countrey, 
lately found out by Captaine Argoll, by trading with pettie 
kings in those parts, who for a small returne of a piece of Iron, 
Copper, &c. have consented to trucke great quantities of Corne, 
and willingly imbrace the intercourse of Traffique, shewing 
unto our people certaine signs of amitie and affection. 

And for the better strengthening and securing of the Col- 
lony, in the time of my weaknesse there, I tooke order for the 
building of three severall Forts, ^ two of which are seated neere 
Poynt Comfort, to which adjoyneth a large Circuit of ground, 
open, and fit for Corne : the thirde Fort is at the Falles, upon 
an Island invironed also with Corne ground. These are not 
all manned, for I wanted the Commoditie of Boates, having 
but two, and one Bardge, in all the Countrey, which hath beene 
cause that our fishing hath beene (in some sort) hindered, for 
want of those provisions, which easily will be remedied when 
wee can gaine sufficient men to be imployed about those busi- 
nesses, which in Virginia I found not : But since meeting with 
Sir Thomas Gates at the Cowes neere Portsmouth (to whom 
I gave a perticular accompt of all my proceedings, and of the 
present estate of the Collonyas I left it) I understood those 
wants are supplyed in his Fleete. 

^ According to the Breife Declaration the people at Delaware's departure 
were provided with only three months' victuals and that at short allowance. 
One hundred and fifty had died during his stay, which was more than half 
the number of the settlers. 

' Forts Henry and Charles on the east of Hampton River, and Fort West 
at the Falls. 



1611] LORD DE-LA-WAKE'S RELATION 213 

The countrey is wonderfull fertile and very rich, and makes 
good whatsoever heretofore hath beene reported of it, the 
Cattell ah'eady there, are much encreased, and thrive exceed- 
ingly with the pasture of that Countrey: The Kine all this 
last Winter, though the ground was covered most with Snow, 
and the season sharpe, lived without other feeding than the 
grasse they found, with which they prospered well, and many 
of them readie to fall with Calve ; Milke being a great nourish- 
ment and refreshing to our people, serving also (in occasion) 
as well for Physicke as for Food, so that it is no way to be 
doubted, but when it shall please God that Sir Thomas Dale, 
and Sir Thomas Gates, shall arrive in Virginia with their ex- 
traordinary supply of one hundred Kine, and two hundred 
Swine, besides store of all manner of other provisions for the sus- 
tenance and maintenance of the Collony, there will appeare 
that successe in the Action as shall give no man cause to 
distrust that hath already adventured, but encourage ever}' 
good minde to further so worthy a worke, as will redound 
both to the Glory of God, to the Credit of our Nation, and to 
the Comfort of all those that have beene Instruments in the 
furthering of it. 

The last discovery, during my continuall sicknesse, was 
by Captaine Argoll, who hath found a trade with Patomack 
(a King as great as Powhatan, who still remaines our enemie, 
though not able to doe us hurt). This is a goodly River called 
Patomack, upon the borders whereof there are growne the 
goodliest Trees for Masts, that may be found elsewhere in the 
World : Hempe better then English, growing wilde in aboun- 
dance : Mines of Antimonie and Leade. 

There is also found without our Bay to the Northward an 
excellent fishing Bancke for Codde, and Ling as good as can be 
eaten, and of a kinde that will keepe a whole yeare, in Shippes 
hould, with little care ; a tryall ^ whereof I now have brought 
over with mee. Other Islands there are upon our Coasts, 
that doe promise rich merchandise, and will further exceedingly 

* Sample. 



214 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1611 

the establishing of the Plantation, by supply of many helpes, 
and will speedily afford a returne of many worthie Com- 
modities. 

I have left much ground in part manured to receive Corne, 
having caused it the last Winter to be sowed for rootes ^ with 
which our people were greatly releeved. 

There are many Vines planted in divers places, and doe 
prosper well, there is no want of any thing, if the action can be 
upheld with constancy and resolution. 

Lastly concerning my selfe, and my Course, though the 
World may imagine that this Countrey and Climate will (by 
that which I have suffered beyond any other of that Plantation) 
ill agree with the state of my body, yet I am so farre from shrink- 
ing or giving over this honourable enterprise, as that I am will- 
ing and ready to lay all I am worth upon the adventure of the 
Action, rather then so Honourable a worke should faiie, and 
to returne with all the convenient expedition I may, beseeching 
your Lordships, and the rest, not onely to excuse my former 
wants, happened by the Almighty hand: but to second my 
resolutions with your friendly indeavours : that both the State 
may receive Honour, your selves Profit, and I future Comfort, 
by being imployed (though but as a weake Instrument) in so 
great an Action. 

And thus having plainely, truely, and briefely, delivered 
the cause of my returne, with the state of our affayres, as wee 
now stand, I hope every worthy and indifferent hearer will by 
comparing my present resolution of returne, with the neces- 
sitie of my comming home, rest satisfied with this true and 
short Declaration. 



Finis. 



LETTER OF DON DIEGO DE MOLINA, 1613 



INTRODUCTION 

THEhistoryof early Virginia has not only its domestic phases, 
but it is also interwoven to some extent with that of Spain and 
France. English colonization had its origin in rivalry with 
Spain; and the early proceedings of the Jamestown colony 
were beset with Spanish "ntrigue, and embarrassed by appre- 
hensions of Spanish interference. In 1611 a Spanish caravel, 
sent by the king of Spain to spy out the conditions of things 
among the EngUsh in Virginia, appeared in James River. 
Three persons went ashore at Point Comfort to ask for a pilot 
— Don Diego de Mohna, Marco Antonio, and Francisco Lem- 
bri. They were arrested and kept prisoners in Virginia. 
After several months Antonio died; and, in 1616, to satisfy 
the complaints of the Spanish, the two surviving spies were 
embarked with Dale for Europe. On the way over. Dale 
found out that Lembri was an Englishman, and was therefore 
a traitor as well as a spy, and hung him. Restored to his 
own country, Mohna is reported, in 1618, as inciting the 
king of Spain to send troops to Virginia, "because of a 
silver mine there, from which he shows a piece to justify 
the truth thereof." The letter below must have been 
addressed to Don Alonzo de Velasco, who was Spanish ambas- 
sador at London from 1610 to 1613. It was translated for Dr. 
Alexander Brown and published in the Genesis of the United 
States, pp. 646-652. Our text is, however, a fresh translation 
from the Spanish. The original holographic letter is in the 
archives of Spain at Simancas.^ Smith gives some account of 
the episode in his Gmerall Historie, Book iv. ; see p. 320, infra. 

L. G. T. 

^ Secretaria de Estado, legajo 2590, folio 47. Dr. Brown's transcript is 
in the Lenox Library. 

217 



LETTER OF DON DIEGO DE 
MOLINA, 1613 

The person who will give this to Your Lordship is very 
trustworthy and Your Lordship can give credence to every- 
thing he will say, so I will not be prolix in this but will tell in 
it what is most important. Although with my capture and the 
extraordinary occurrences following it His Majesty will have 
opened his eyes and seen this new Algiers of America, which is 
coming into existence here, I do not wonder that in all this 
time he has not remedied it because to effect the release would 
require an expedition, particularly as he lacks full information 
for making a decision. However I believe that with the aid of 
Your Lordship's intelligence and with the coming of the cara- 
vel ^ to Spain, His Majesty will have been able to determine 
what is most important and that that is to stop the progress of 
a hydra in its infancy, because it is clear that its intention is 
to grow and encompass the destruction of all the West, as well 
by sea as by land and that great results will follow I do not 
doubt, because the advantages of this place make it very suit- 
able for a gathering-place of all the pirates of Europe, where 
they will be well received. For this nation has great thoughts 
of an alliance with them. And this nation by itself will 
be very powerful because as soon as an abundance of wheat 
shall have been planted and there shall be enough cattle, there 
will not be a man of any sort whatever who will not alone or in 
company with others fit out a ship to come here and join the 
rest, because as Your Lordship knows this Kingdom abounds 
in poor people who abhor peace — and of necessity because in 

* I.e., the caravel from which Molina had incautiously gone ashore at 
Point Comfort. 

218 



1613] LETTER OF DIEGO DE MOLINA 219 

peace they perish — and the rich are so greedy and selfish that 
they even cherish a desire for the Indies and the gold and silver 
there — notwithstanding that there will not be much lack of 
these here, for they have discovered some mines which are con- 
sidered good, although they have not yet been able to derive 
profit from them. But when once the preliminary steps are 
taken there are many indications that they will find a large 
number in the mountains. So the Indians say and they offer 
to show the locations that they know and they say that near 
the sources of the rivers, as they come down from the moun- 
tain, there is a great quantity of grains of silver and gold, but, 
as they do not set any value on these but only on copper which 
they esteem highly, they do not gather them. 

As yet these men have not been able to go to discover these 
although they greatly desire it, nor to pass over this range to 
New Mexico and from there to the South Sea where they ex- 
pect to establish great colonies and fit out fleets with which to 
become lords of that sea as well as of this, by colonizing cer- 
tain islands among those to the east of the channel of Bahama 
and even to conquer others, as Puerto Rico, Santo Domingo 
and Cuba.^ And although this would be difficult at the least, 
we have already seen signs of these purposes in the colonizing 
of Bermuda where they are said to have strong fortifications, 
because the lay of the land is such that a few can defend 
themselves against a great number and prevent disembark- 
ing and landing.^ The depth as I have understood is not 
enough for ships of a hundred tons, but I believe that they 
make it out less than it is, for that island has already been de- 
scribed in the relation of Captain Diego Ramirez who was 
stranded there, and it seems to me that larger vessels can enter. 
I do not recall it well but the description is in the house of 
Don Rodrigo de Aguiar of the Council of the Indies and the 

* This expectation came true in the course of years. The Bahama 
Islands belong to England, Porto Rico belongs to the United States, — a 
product of the Virginia settlement, — and Cuba is under American influence. 

^ The present English fortress at Bermuda is considered one of the strong- 
est in the world. 



220 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1613 

register is in Seville in the house of the licentiate Antonio 
Moreno, cosmographer of the Council. But above all this 
captain will give enough information of the island, and it is 
very important for the military actions which may have to 
take place in it. Its fertility is great, there is abundance of 
fish and game, and pork as much as they can want, and so 
they get along very well in that colony because they have 
little need of England, for they are likewise rich in amber and 
pearl of which in a very few months it is said they have sent 
to that kingdom more than fifty thousand ducats in value, 
reckoning the ounce at a moderate price. Four days ago a 
vessel arrived here that brought them men and provisions 
and they do not cease talking of the excellence of that island 
and its advantages. 

The soil in this place is very fertile for all species, only not 
for those which require much heat, because it is cold. There 
is much game and fish, but as they have not begun to get profit 
from the mines, but only from timber, the merchants have not 
been able to maintain this colony with as much liberality as 
was needed and so the people have suffered much want, living 
on miserable rations of oats or maize and dressing poorly. 
For which reason, if toda}^ three hundred men should come, 
this same year would destroy more than one hundred and fifty, 
and there is not a year when half do not die. Last year there 
were seven hundred people and not three hundred and fifty 
remain, because Httle food and much labor on public works 
kills them and, more than all, the discontent in which they five 
seeing themselves treated as slaves with cruelty.* WTierefore 
many have gone over to the Indians, at whose hands some 
have been killed, while others have gone out to sea, being sent 
to fish, and those who remain have become violent and are 
desirous that a fleet should come from Spain to take them out 
of their misery. Wherefore they cry to God of the injury 
that they receive and they appeal to His Majesty in whom they 

^ This is a strong confirmation of the terrible indictment by the colonists 
of the cruel experiences under Gates and Dale. See the Breife Declaration, 
and the Tragicall Relation, post. 



1613] LETTER OF DIEGO DE MOLINA 221 

have great confidence, and should a fleet come to give them 
passage to that kingdom, not a single person would take up 
arms/ Sooner would they forfeit their respect and obedience 
to their rulers who think to maintain this place till death. 

And although it is understood there that the merchants ~ 
are deserting this colony, this is false for it is a strategem with 
which they think to render His Majesty careless, giving him 
to understand that this affair will settle itself, and that thus 
he will not need to go to the expense of any fleet whatever to 
come here. With eight hundred or one thousand soldiers he 
could reduce this place with great ease, or even with five 
hundred, because there is no expectation of aid from England 
for resistance and the forts wliich they have are of boards and 
so weak that a kick would break them down, and once arrived 
at the ramparts those without would have the advantage over 
those within because its beams and loopholes are common to 
both parts — a fortification without skill and made by un- 
skilled men. Nor are they efficient soldiers, although the 
rulers and captains make a great profession of this because of 
the time they have served in Flanders on the side of Holland, 
where some have companies and castles. The men are poorly 
drilled and not prepared for military action. 

However they have placed their hope on one of two settle- 
ments, one which they have founded twenty leagues up the 
river in a bend on a rugged peninsula ^ with a narrow entrance 
by land and they are persuaded that there they can defend 
themselves against the whole world. I have not seen it but I 
know that it is similar to the others and that one night the 
Indians entered it and ran all over the place without meeting 
any resistance, shooting their arrows through all the doors, 
so that I do not feel that there would be any difficulty in taking 
it or the one in Bermuda, particularly if my advice be taken 
in both matters as that of a man who has been here two years 
and has considered the case with care. I am awaiting His 

* Probably the wish was father to the thought. 

' The Virginia Company. 

^ Jamestown Peninsula, which is not over ten leagues up the river. 



222 NARKATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1613 

Majesty^s decision and am desirous of being of some service 
and I do not make much of my imprisonment nor of the hard- 
ships which I have suffered in it, with hunger, want and ill- 
ness, because one who does a labor of love holds lightly all his 
afflictions. The ensign Marco Antonio Perez died fifteen 
months ago, more from hunger than illness, but assuredly with 
the patience of a saint and the spirit of a good soldier. I have 
not fared very ill, but tolerably so, because since I arrived I 
have been in favor with these people and they have shown me 
friendship as far as their own wretchedness would allow, but 
with genuine good- will. The sailor who came with me is 
said to be English and a pilot. He declares that he is from 
Aragon and in truth no one would take him for a foreigner.^ 

This country is located in thirty-seven and a third degrees, 
in which is also the bay which they call Santa Maria.^ Five 
rivers empty into this, very wide and of great depth — this 
one at its entrance nine fathoms and five and six within. 
The others measure seven, eight and twelve ; the bay is eight 
leagues at its mouth but in places it is very wide, even thirty 
leagues.^ There is much oak timber and facihties for making 
ships, trees for them according to their wish — very dark walnut 
which they esteem highly and many other kinds of trees. 

The bearer is a very honorable Venetian gentleman, who 
having fallen into some great and serious errors is now returned 
to his first religion and he says that God has made me his in- 
strument in this, for which I give thanks. He wishes to go to 
Spain to do penance for his sins. If I get my liberty I think 
of helping him in everything as far as I shall be able. I be- 
seech Your Lordship to do me the favor of making him some 
present, for I hold it certain that it will be a kindness very ac- 
ceptable to our Lord to see in Your Lordship indications that 
charity has not died out in Spain. And so Your Lordship ought 
to have charity and practise it in the case of a man who goes 

^ Francis Lembri, who was proven to be an Englishman and hung by 
Dale as a traitor, when returning to England in 1616. ^ Chesapeake Bay. 

' The widest portion of the bay is not over thirteen leagues, or forty 
miles. 



1613] LETTER OF DIEGO DE MOLINA 223 

from here poor and sick and cannot make use of his abihties, 
and if I have to stay here long I am no less in need of Your 
Lordship's help (as you will learn from the report of this man, 
who will tell you how I am faring). Your Lordship might 
aid me by sending some shipstores such as are brought here for 
certain private individuals and in particular cloth and linen 
for clothing ourselves (this man and me) because we go naked 
or so ragged that it amounts to the same, without changing 
our shirts in a month, because, as the soldier says, my shirts 
are an odd number and do not come to three. I trust in God 
who will surely help me since He is beginning to give me my 
health which for eleven months has failed me. I have not 
sufficient opportunity to write to His Majesty. Your Lord- 
ship will be able to do this giving him notice of everything 
I am telling. May God guard Your Lordship as I desire. 
From Virginia, May 28 (according to Spanish reckoning), 
1613. 

If Your Lordship had the key to my cipher, I should write 
in it. But this letter is sewed between the soles of a shoe, so 
that I trust in God that I shall not have done wrong in writing 
in this way. When I first came here I wrote His Majesty a 
letter which had need of some interpretation and directed it 
with others to Your Lordship. I do not know whether you 
have received them. 

I thought to be able to make a description of this country 
but the pubhcity of my position does not give me opportunity for 
it, but that which is most to the point is that the bay runs 
northeast by east and at four leagues distance from its mouth 
is this river from the south, nine fathoms in depth. At the 
entrance is a fort ^ or, to speak more exactly, a weak structure 
of boards ten hands high with twenty-five soldiers and four 
iron pieces. Half a league off is another ^ smaller with fifteen 

• The fort at Point Comfort called "Algernourne Fort," first established 
in 1608 by President Percy. The Spanish here has a play upon words which 
cannot be translated, "a fort [fuerte, strong] or rather a weak." 

^Fort Charles on Strawberry Bank in Elizabeth Citv, first established in 
1611. 



224 NARKATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1613 

soldiers, without artillery. There is another ^ smaller than either 
half a league inland from here for a defence against the 
Indians. This has fifteen more soldiers. Twenty leagues off 
is this colony ^ with one hundred and fifty persons and six 
pieces ; another twenty leagues further up is another ' colony 
strongly located — to which they will all betake themselves 
if occasion arises, because on this they place their hopes — 
where are one hundred more persons and among them as here 
there are women, children and field laborers, which leaves not 
quite two hundred active men and those poorly discipUned. 

* Fort Henry, on the east side of Hampton River, a musket shot to the 
west of Fort Charles. 

^ Jamestown. 

3 At Henrico, where Dutch Gap cuts the bend of the river. Some few 
scattered bricks still give evidence of this early settlement. 



LETTER OF FATHER PIERRE 

BIARD, 1 6 14 



INTRODUCTION 

Although Spanish interference was greatly feared by the 
English colonists at Jamestown, Spain was much reduced from 
its former estate and in no condition to make war upon England. 
Danger from France, though more removed, was far more real. 
In 1604 the Sieur de Monts established a French colony on the 
island of St. Croix in the St. Croix River. The next year 
the colony was removed to Port Royal (Annapolis). After 
three years spent in the country, during which time 
the New England coast was explored as far as Martha^s 
Vineyard, the colonists returned to France. The design, 
however, was not abandoned. Poutrincourt returned in 
1610 and re-established his colony at Port Royal. In 1611 
two Jesuit priests, Biard and Masse, came over under the pat- 
ronage of Madame de Guercheville, and in 1613, being joined by 
two other Jesuit priests, Quentin and du Thet, they planted a 
Jesuit station on the island of Mount Desert. The Enghsh 
had not recognized the claims of the French to any part of North 
America, and Sir Thomas Dale sent Captain Samuel Argall twice 
from Virginia, and burned all their settlements, — at Mount 
Desert Island, Isle de Ste. Croix, and Port Royal. The vigorous 
action of Argall probably saved New England to Enghsh coloni- 
zation. The letter below was first pubhshed in a French trans- 
lation by Father Auguste Carayon, S.J., in a work entitled 
Premiere Mission des Jesuites au Canada (Paris, 1864). The 
Latin original is preserved in the archives of the Society of 
Jesus. An English translation from the French was pub- 
lished by Dr. Alexander Brown in his Genesis of the United 
States, pp. 700-706. The translation printed below is how- 
ever from the Latin and is taken, with permission, from Dr. 
R. G. Thwaites^s Jesuit Relations, III. 5-19. j^ q t. 



LETTER OF FATHER PIERRE BIARD, 1614 

TO THE VERY REVEREND FATHER CLAUDE ACQUAVIVA, 
GENERAL OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS, AT ROME, 
MAY 26, 1614 

Very Reverend Father in Christ: 

The peace of Christ be with you. 

Both affection and duty urge me, fresh from such multipHed 
and mighty perils, from which I have been rescued by the sur- 
passing favor of the Lord and by the prayers of your Paternity, 
to send you my greetings; and, in so far as it is possible, I 
throw myself at your knees and embrace you, assuredly with 
the utmost gratitude and devotion. And indeed I am bound, 
as it were, to contemplate myself, both to do penance, as I 
hope, and to express my gratitude ; so great are the perils out 
of which I now marvel to see myself deHvered. But, as it may 
at this time be wearisome to weave a long story of all these 
things, and as it is probable that Your Paternity has already 
learned many of them from Father Enemond Masse, I shall 
pass over all the rest, and confine myself for the present to 
this one matter : in what manner, after our violent capture by 
the Enghsh in New France, we were taken from place to place, 
and at last restored to this our native land. 

There were, as Your Paternity knows, only four of our 
society in New France in the last year, 1613. Then, too, we 
first began to build in a convenient place a new settlement, a 
new colony,^ etc. But most unexpectedly, by some hazard or 
other (for a hazard it certainly was, and not a premeditated 
plan),^ some Enghsh from Virginia were driven upon our 
shores, who attacked our ships with the utmost fury, at a time 

* At Mt. Desert Island. ' This appears to be an error. 

228 



1613] LETTER OF FATHER BIARD 229 

when nearly all its defenders were occupied on land. Re- 
sistance was nevertheless made for a time, but we were soon 
obliged to surrender. In the struggle, two of the French were 
killed, four were wounded ; and in addition our brother Gilbert 
Duthet received a mortal wound. He made a most Christian 
end, the following day, under my ministration. 

Our ships having been captured and everything pillaged, 
it was a great concession to us, — that is, to us priests and 
Jesuits, — that we were not killed. And yet this sparing of 
our Uves, if considered in itself only, would have been worse 
than any death. For what were we to do in an absolutely 
desert and barren region, despoiled and destitute of everything ? 
The savages, indeed, used to come to us stealthily and by night ; 
and with great generosity and devotion commiserated our mis- 
fortune, and promised us whatever they could. Truly the 
condition of things was such that either death itself, or a more 
calamitous misfortune, everywhere threatened us. There were 
in all thirty of us in these distressing circumstances. One 
consideration rendered the English less severe, namely, that 
one of our boats had escaped, in spite of their watchfulness; 
and as they had no doubt that it would bear witness to the 
violence done us, they were obliged to spare our Hves, for they 
feared reprisals and dreaded our king. Therefore they finally 
offered (a great favor, forsooth) to leave for our thirty survivors 
a single boat, in which we might coast along the seashore, on 
the chance of finding some French vessel to take us back to 
our own country. It was shown that this boat could not hold 
over fifteen men ; but nothing further could be obtained, even 
from among our own boats. To be brief: in this perplexity 
each of us took counsel as he could. Father Enemond Masse 
embarked with fourteen companions in the boat I have men- 
tioned, and the Lord favored him, as Your Paternity has al- 
ready learned. I went to the English captain and obtained a 
promise from him that I and Father Jacques Quentin, my com- 
panion, and also John Dixon — who had been admitted into the 
Society — and one servant, should be transported to the neigh- 
boring islands where the English usually fish, and that we 



230 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1613 

should there be recommended to these Enghsh fishermen ; so 
that, having been carried by them to England, we might easily 
return thence into France. I obtained, as I say, a promise to 
this effect, but there was no good faith in this promise. For 
they carried us off, together with the Frenchmen who remained, 
fifteen in all, straight to their own country, Virginia, distant 
from the place in which we had been captured at least two 
hundred and fifty leagues. In Virginia however a new peril 
arose ; for the governor there ^ wished to hang us all, and 
especially the Jesuits. But the captain who had taken us 
resisted, alleging his promise to us. Finally this promise, or 
their fear of our king, prevailed. 

After this episode the captain who had taken us was com- 
missioned to return to that part of New France where he had 
plundered us, and to plunder any French ships he might find, 
and burn all the houses and settlements. There remained two 
French settlements there, that of Sainte Croix and that of Port 
Royal, where I had remained for two years. Three ships were 
equipped for this expedition, — two which thoy had taken 
from us, and a third and larger one, the man-of-war, as they 
call it, which had taken us. So eight of us Frenchmen were 
taken in this vessel, in view of any opportunity that might 
arise of sending us back to our own country. These vessels 
returned first to the place ^ where we had been captured, and 
all the crosses that we had set up they overthrew. But not 
unavenged ! On the same spot, before our departure, they 
hanged one of their number whom they had apprehended in 
some plot. Thus one cross took the place of many. 

Here a new peril arose. The English, as I have previously 
stated, wished to go to the settlement of Sainte Croix, although 
it had at this time no inhabitants. Some salt, however, had 
been left there. No one except myself knew the way ; and the 
English knew that I had been there formerly. They accordingly 
demand that I lead them. I do all I can to evade and refuse 

* Sir Thomas Gates was governor, but Sir Thomas Dale, who was marshal, 
had charge of the prisoners and threatened to hang them. 
' St. Sauveur, on Mt. Desert Island. 



1613] LETTER OF FATHER BIAED 231 

this proposal ; but it avails me nothing. They perceive clearly 
that I am unwiUing to obey. At this the captain grows very 
angry, and my peril becomes imminent ; when suddenly they 
find the place without my help, and plunder and burn it. They 
moreover on this occasion captured a savage, who guided them 
to Port Royal. Although this had dehvered me from one great 
danger, it nevertheless involved me in another greater one. 
For after they had plundered and burnt Port Royal (which by 
some inexphcable chance they had found abandoned by its 
inhabitants), some Frenchman, one of those very men who had 
deserted Port Royal, brought an accusation against me, 
which was nothing less than this : that I was a genuine, native 
Spaniard; and that, on account of certain crimes committed 
in France, I dared not return there. Hereupon the captain, 
already incensed against me, having found a fine pretext for 
his wrath, asked his followers whether they did not think it 
would be just to cast me forth on the shore and abandon me 
there. The opinion of the majority prevailed, who thought it 
better to take me back to Virginia, and there to return me to 
that unlucky tree which, in accordance with law and justice, 
I had escaped. Thus I escaped death for the moment: and 
so we soon after started on our return voyage to Virginia. 
But two days later so fearful a tempest arose that the ships 
were separated, and none of us knew what became of the 
others. The captain of our ship, after he had endured the 
storm for three weeks, and had begun to run short of various 
necessaries, particularly of fresh water, concluding that there 
was no hope of getting back to Virginia for a long time, decided 
to run to the Portuguese islands called Terceras [Azores]. 
Through this decision I, who appeared to have escaped from 
the death by hanging that awaited me, again found myself in 
a greater peril; greater I may truly call it, since I had here 
companions in my danger. The sixteen Englishmen, on ap- 
proaching these islands, began to reflect that they were lost 
if we priests and Jesuits appeared, for we would be set at liberty 
on the instant by these Portuguese Catholics, and they, on 
the contrary, would be punished as pirates and persecutors of 



232 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [itiu 

priests. This anxiety troubled them. But what were they 
to do? Should they throw^ us overboard, or would it suffice 
to conceal us? In this embarrassment and uncertainty, the 
captain sent for me, and laid the matter before me. I said to 
him that death itself was not a greater evil, in my estimation, 
than to be the occasion of misfortune to others. I promised, 
in case he chose to conceal us, that I would lend myself to this 
scheme in good faith. With what idea did God inspire him, 
to make him beUeve me ? I know not, truly ; but this I know 
— that if he had foreseen the dangers into which he subse- 
quently fell, he would not have trusted me. Accordingly he 
hid us in the hold of the vessel ; during three weeks we did not 
behold the sun; but the captain encountered so many diffi- 
culties in the port of the island of FaaV and the vessel was 
visited so frequently during this space of three weeks, that 
it seems marvellous that we escaped detection. But this 
also God purposed for the greater glory of the Society ; for the 
Enghsh clearly saw that if we had wished to show ourselves, 
and to expose them, it would frequently have been in our power 
to do so. They themselves afterwards, when in England, 
often eulogized our good faith in the presence of their ministers, 
and to the admiration even of the enemies of truth. Escaping 
from these perils, our captors decided to return to England 
rather than to Virginia, which was so much farther distant, 
and which was to be reached only by a long voyage, for which 
they lacked all the necessaries. Accordingly we set sail for 
England. Our voyage was a long one, and was marked by 
many vicissitudes : finally, losing our bearings in the fog and 
the cloudy weather, we deviated from the right course and 
were carried to Wales, not far from Ireland. In Wales our 
captain, having landed near the town of Pembroke to lay in 
provisions, was seized and detained as a pirate, because of 
certain appearances pointing that way. He, however, to 
recover his Uberty, denied being a pirate ; and, as a proof of 
his innocence, he adduced the fact that he had in his vessel 

» Fayal. 



1614] LETTER OF FATHER BIARD 233 

two Jesuits from whose own lips they could learn the truth, 
if they pleased to summon them. Oh skillful hand of divine 
Providence ! Winter was then fully upon us, and in the ship 
we were in want of everything. Thus, had we not been pro- 
vided for, we should have died of cold and hardships. But 
what need of a long story ? The Jesuits are at once summoned, 
and, gazed at by all, are led into the town. We are ordered to 
give our evidence. We, of course, attest what was perfectly 
true, — that our captain was a royal officer and not a pirate, 
and that what he had done to us had been done in obedience 
to orders, rather than from his own free will. Accordingly, 
our captain was set at liberty ; and in company with him we 
were detained in the town, and very well used, while awaiting 
orders from London. These were long delayed; and in the 
interval we frequently engaged in arguments with the ministers, 
and more frequently still with others, for nearly every one 
was permitted to have access to us, although we were not 
allowed to go out. In every other respect, as I have said, we 
were very kindly treated. Finally we received orders to sail 
from Pembroke to London. But the voyage proved a long one. 
Protracted delays intervened ; to avoid a long enumeration of 
these, let it suffice to say that by order of the English king we 
were landed at Dover, and thence sent to Calais in France. At 
Calais we were hospitably received by the governor and the 
dean of the city, and rested three days; thence we came 
to Amiens, where we now are. 

We remained in captivity during nine months and a half. 
We were in the ship all the time, except when we landed at 
Pembroke, as related. There were three months during which 
we daily received only about two ounces of bread, and a small 
quantity of salt fish, with water that was nearly always fetid ; 
so that we marvel at not having fallen sick. Few of the Eng- 
lish escaped illness, and some of them even died as the result. 
But God doubtless watched over us in answer to the prayer of 
Your Paternity and of all our Society ; may He grant in his 
goodness that it result to his own greater glory and in my sal- 
vation and bettor life. This I hope for, through the praj^ers 



234 



NAKRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA 



[1614 



and the blessing of Your Paternity, which, with all possible 

humility and affection, I solicit on my knees. May the Lord 

Jesus ever watch over Your Paternity and may our Father 

with utmost goodness and favor increasingly bestow upon you 

his Most Holy grace. 

Your Paternity^s 

Obedient son and unworthy servant, 

Pierre Biard, 
Amiens, May 26, 1614. 



LETTER OF JOHN ROLFE, 1614 



INTRODUCTION 

John Rolfe, the author of this letter, came of an ancient 
family of Heacham, in the county of Norfolk, England, and 
was the son of John Rolfe and Dorothea Mason. He was 
baptized in the church at Heacham, May 6, 1585. In 1609 
he went to Bermuda in the Tliird Supply with Sir Thomas 
Gates. While there, a wife, to whom he had been married in 
England, bore him a daughter, who was christened Bermuda, 
but soon died. The parents reached Virginia in May, 1610, 
where the mother died. Rolfe was the first Englishman to 
introduce the cultivation of tobacco in Virginia (1612). Not 
long after, Pocahontas was captured by Samuel Argall and 
brought to Jamestown. Rolfe fell in love with her and mar- 
ried her about April 5, 1614. Two months later he was made 
recorder of the colony; he remained in this office till 1619. 
He and his Indian bride went with Sir Thomas Dale, in 1616, to 
England, where Pocahontas was introduced at court by Lady 
Delaware and her portrait was engraved by Simon de Passe. 
While in England, he sent a description of Virginia to King 
James and to Sir Robert Rich. In the spring of 1617 he and 
Pocahontas made ready to return, with Samuel Argall as dep- 
uty-governor, when Pocahontas sickened and died at Graves- 
end, March 21, 1617. After his return Rolfe married Jane, 
daughter of Captain WilHam Peirce, and had a grant of land 
in Mulberry Island. It was singular that this son-in-law of 
Powhatan should meet his death at the hands of the savages in 
the massacre of 1622. He left behind by Pocahontas one son, 

237 



238 NAKRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA 

Thomas Rolfe, who came to Virginia, where his descendants 
are still represented. This letter to Sir Thomas Dale, the 
deputy-governor, was published by Ralph Hamor in his tract 
entitled A True Discourse of the Present Estate of Virginia and 
the Successe of the Affaires there till the 18 of June, 16U 
(London, 1615), pp. 61-68. 

ij. \jr. 1. 



LETTER OF JOHN ROLFE, 1614 

The coppie of the Gentle-mans letters to Sir Thomas Dale, that 
after marled Powhatans daughter, containing the reasons 
moving him thereunto. 

Honourable Sir, and most worthy Governor: 

When your leasure shall best serve you to peruse these 
hues, I trust in God, the beginning will not strike you into a 
greater admiration/ then the end will give you good content. 
It is a matter of no small moment, concerning my own particu- 
lar, which here I impart unto you, and which toucheth mee so 
neerely, as the tendernesse of my salvation. Howbeit I freely 
subject my selfe to your grave and mature judgement, delibera- 
tion, approbation and determination; assuring my selfe of 
your zealous admonitions, and godly comforts, either per- 
swading me to desist, or incouraging me to persist therin, with 
a religious feare and godly care, for which (from the very in- 
stant, that this began to roote it selfe within the secret bosome 
of my brest) my daily and earnest praiers have bin, still are, 
and ever shall be produced forth with as sincere a godly zeale 
as I possibly may to be directed, aided and governed in all 
my thoughts, words and deedes, to the glory of God, and for 
my eternal consolation. To persevere wherein I never had 
more neede, nor (till now) could ever imagine to have bin 
moved with the like occasion. 

But (my case standing as it doth) what better worldly ref- 
uge can I here seeke, then [than] to shelter my selfe under the 
safety of your favourable protection? And did not my ease 
proceede from an unspotted conscience, I should not dare to 
offer to your view and approved judgement, these passions of 

* Surprise, or wonder. 
239 



240 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1614 

my troubled soule, so full of feare and trembling is hypocrisie 
and dissimulation. But knowing my owne innocency and 
godly fervor, in the whole prosecution hereof, I doubt not of 
your benigne acceptance, and clement construction. As for 
malicious depravers, and turbulent spirits, to whom nothing is 
tastful, but what pleaseth their unsavory pallat, I passe not^ 
for them being well assured in my perswasion (by the often 
triall and proving of my selfe, in my hohest meditations and 
praiers) that I am called hereunto by the spirit of God ; and it 
shall be sufficient for me to be protected by your selfe in all 
vertuous and pious indevours. And for my more happie pro- 
ceeding herein, my daily oblations ^ shall ever be addressed 
to bring to passe so good effects, that your selfe, and all the 
world may truely say : This is the worke of God, and it is mar- 
velous in our eies. 

But to avoid tedious preambles, and to come neerer the 
matter : first suffer me with your patence, to sweepe and make 
cleane the way wherein I walke, from all suspicions and 
doubts, which may be covered therein, and faithfully to re' 
veale unto you, what should move me hereunto. 

Let therefore this my well advised protestation, which hero 
I make betweene God and my own conscience, be a sufficient 
witnesse, at the dreadfull day of judgement (when the secret 
of all mens harts shall be opened) to condemne me herein, if 
my chiefest intent and purpose be not, to strive with all my 
power of body and minde, in the undertaking of so mightie a 
matter, no way led (so farre forth as mans weakenesse may 
permit) with the unbridled desire of carnall affection : but for 
the good of this plantation, for the honour of our countrie, for 
the glory of God, for my owne salvation, and for the converting 
to the true knowledge of God and Jesus Christ, an unbeleeving 
creature, namely Pokahuntas. To whom my hartie and best 
thoughts are, and have a long time bin so intangled, and in- 
thralled in so intricate a laborinth, that I w^as even awearied 
to unwinde my selfe thereout. But almighty God, who never 

* Prayers. 



1614] LETTER OF JOHN ROLFE 241 

faileth his, that truely invocate his holy name hath opened the 
gate, and led me by the hand that I might plainely see and dis- 
cerne the safe paths wherein to treade. 

To you therefore (most noble Sir) the patron and Father of 
us in this countrey doe I utter the effects of this my setled and 
long continued affection (which hath made a mightie warre in 
my meditations) and here I doe truely relate, to what issue this 
dangerous combate is come unto, wherein I have not onely 
examined, but throughly tried and pared my thoughts even to 
the quicke, before I could finde any fit wholesome and apt 
appUcations to cure so daungerous an ulcer. I never failed to 
offer my daily and faithfull praiers to God, for his sacred and 
holy assistance. I forgot not to set before mine eies the 
frailty of mankinde, his prones^ to e\dll, his indulgencie of 
wicked thoughts, with many other imperfections w^herein man 
is daily insnared, and oftentimes overthrowne, and them com- 
pared to my present estate. Nor was I ignorant of the heavie 
displeasure which almightie God conceived against the sonnes 
of Levie and Israel for marrying strange wives, nor of the in- 
conveniences which may thereby arise, with other the hke 
good motions which made me looke about warily and with good 
circumspection, into the grounds and principall agitations, 
which thus should provoke me to be in love with one w^hose 
education hath bin rude, her manners barbarous, her genera- 
tion accursed, and so discrepant in all nurtriture from my 
selfe, that oftentimes with feare and trembling, I have ended 
my private controversie with this: surely these are wicked 
instigations, hatched by him w^ho seeketh and delighteth 
in mans destruction; and so with fervent praiers to be ever 
preserved from such diabolical assaults (as I tooke those to be) 
I have taken some rest. 

Thus when I had thought I had obtained my peace and 
quietnesse, beholde another, but more gracious tentation hath 
made breaches into my holiest and strongest meditations ; with 
which I have bin put to a new triall, in a straighter manner 



( 



Proneness. 



242 KAKKATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [I6il 

then the former : for besides the many passions and sufferings 
which I have daily, hom*ely, yea and in my sleepe indured, even 
awaking mee to astonishment, taxing mee with remisnesse, 
and carelesnesse, refusing and neglecting to performe the duetie 
of a good Christian, pulling me by the eare, and crying : why 
dost not thou indevour to make her a Christian? And these 
have happened to my greater wonder, even when she hath bin 
furthest seperated from me, which in common reason (were it 
not an undoubted worke of God) might breede forgetfulnessc 
of a farre more worthie creature. Besides, I say the holy 
spirit of God hath often demaunded of me, why I was created ? 
If not for transitory pleasures and worldly vanities, but to 
labour in the Lords vineyard, there to sow and plant, to nourish 
and increase the fruites thereof, daily adding with the good 
husband in the Gospell, somewhat to the tallent, that in the 
end the fruites may be reaped, to the comfort of the laborer 
in this life, and his salvation in the world to come ? And if 
this be, as undoubtedly this is, the service Jesus Christ re- 
quireth of his best servant : wo unto him that hath these in- 
struments of pietie put into his hands, and wilfully despiseth 
to worke with them. Likewise, adding hereunto her great 
apparance of love to me, her desire to be taught and instructed 
in the knowledge of God, her capablenesse of understanding, 
her aptnesse and willingnesse to receive anie good impression, 
and also the spirituall, besides her owne incitements stirring 
me up hereunto. 

What should I doe ? shall I be of so untoward a disposition, 
as to refuse to leade the blind into the right way? Shall I 
be so unnaturall, as not to give bread to the hungrie ? or un- 
charitable, as not to cover the naked? Shall I despise to 
actuate these pious dueties of a Christian? Shall the base 
feare of displeasing the world, overpower and with holde mee 
from revealing unto man these spirituall workes of the Lord, 
which in my meditations and praiers, I have daily made knowne 
unto him ? God forbid. I assuredly trust hee hath thus rlelt 
with me for my eternall felicitie, and for his glorie : and I he pe 
%o to be guided by his heavenly graice, that in the end by i \y 



1614] LETTEK OF JOHN KOLFE 243 

faithful! paines, and christianlike labour, I shall attaine to that 
blessed promise, Pronounced by that holy Prophet Daniell 
unto the righteous that bring many unto the knowledge of 
God. Namely, that they shall shine like the starres forever 
and ever. A sweeter comfort cannot be to a true Christian, 
nor a greater incouragement for him to labour all the dales of 
his life, in the performance thereof, nor a greater gaine of con- 
solation, to be desired at the hower of death, and in the day 
of judgement. 

Againe by my reading, and conference with honest and 
religious persons, have I received no small encouragement, 
besides serena mea conscientia, the cleerenesse of my conscience, 
clean from the filth of impurity, quce est instar muri aheiiei, 
which is unto me, as a brasen wall. If I should set down at 
large, the perturbations and godly motions, which have striven 
within mee, I should but make a tedious and imnecessary 
volume. But I doubt not these shall be sufficient both to 
certifie you of my tru intents, in discharging of my dutie to 
God, and to your selfe, to whose gracious providence I humbly 
submit my selfe, for his glory, your honour, our Countreys good, 
the benefit of this Plantation, and for the converting of one un- 
regenerate, to regeneration; which I beseech God to graunt, 
for his deere Sonne Christ Jesus his sake. 

Now if the vulgar sort, who square ^ all mens actions by 
the base rule of their own filthinesse, shall taxe or taunt me in 
this my godly labour : let them know, it is not any hungry ap- 
petite, to gorge my selfe with incontinency ; sure (if I would, 
and were so sensually inclined) I might satisfie such desire, 
though not without a seared conscience, yet with Christians 
more pleasing to the eie, and lesse fearefull in the offence un- 
lawful] committed. Nor am I in so desperate an estate, that 
I rega i not what becommeth of mee ; nor am I out of hope 
but 03 ; day to see my Country, nor so void of friends, nor mean 
in b^ a, but there to obtain a mach ^ to my great content : 
nor ^e I ignorantly passed over my hopes there, or regardlesly 

» Measure. "* Match. 



244 NAEKATIVES OF EARLY A^RGINIA [1614 

seek to loose the love of my friends, by taking this course : I 
know them all, and have not rashly overslipped any. 

But shal it please God thus to dispose of me (which I ear- 
nestly desire to fulfill my ends before sette down) I will heartely 
accept of it as a godly taxe appointed me, and I will never 
cease, (God assisting me) untill I have accomplished, and 
brought to perfection so holy a worke, in which I will daily 
pray God to blesse me, to mine, and her eternall happines. 
And thus desiring no longer to live, to enjoy the blessings of 
God, then [than] this my resolution doth tend to such godly 
ends, as are by me before declared: not doubting of your 
favourable acceptance, I take my leave, beseeching Almighty 
God to raine downe upon you, such plenitude of his heavenly 
graces, as your heart can wish and desire, and so I rest, 

At your commaund most willing 

to be disposed off 

John Rolfe. 



le 
ie 
L 

10 

s ( 

:h( 



PROCEEDINGS OF THE VIRGINIA 

ASSEMBLY, 1619 



INTRODUCTION 

During the period of Gates's administration the constitu- 
tion of the Virginia Company was altered by a third charter 
(1612) which transferred all important business from the treas- 
urer and council in London to a quarterly meeting of the whole 
body — treasurer, council, and stockholders. On the ques- 
tion of governing the colony the company soon divided, how- 
ever, into the ^^ court party'' in favor of continuing martial 
law, at the head of which was Sir Robert Rich, afterwards Earl 
of Warwick; and the '^country" or '' patriot party "in favor 
of ending the system of servitude, led by Sir Edwin Sandys, 
Henry Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton, and Nicholas 
Ferrar, jr. Of the two the country party v/as more numerous, 
and when the period of the joint partnership expired, Novem- 
ber 30, 1616, steps were taken by them to introduce free in- 
stitutions. 

On November 18, 1618, the company ratified the '^ great 
charter of priviledges, orders and Lawes," and directed it to 
the governor and council of estate in Virginia. The same day 
they adopted a commission for establishing a governor, a 
council of state and a General Assembly, thereby giving to 
America its first experience of a plantation with a written con- 
stitution for internal affairs. 

On April 17, 1619, Sir George Yeardley arrived at James- 
town as governor and captain-general to put the new system 
into operation. Martial law and communism were abolished; 
lands were assigned to the settlers ; four corporations were 
created ; and the settlements were invited to send delegates to 
Jamestown to cooperate with the company in making laws. 

247 



248 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA 

Accordingly; July 30, 1619, the first legislative assembly that 
ever convened on the American continent met in the church at 
Jamestown. It consisted of the governor, six councillors, and 
twenty burgesses — two from each of ten settlements. 

Captain John Martin's delegates were not seated, because of 
a clause in his patent excepting his plantation from colonial 
authority. The secretary of the colony, John Pory, who was a 
member by virtue of his being a member of the council, 
was elected speaker. He had served several years in Parlia- 
ment, and was, therefore, familiar with the forms and pro- 
ceedings of deliberative assemblies. The assembly after a 
prayer from Rev. Richard Buck, of Jamestown, sat six days 
and did much business. 

When Hening published his collection of the statutes of 
Virginia (1809), he was unable to find any copy of the proceed- 
ings of this the first and most interesting of the assemblies of 
Virginia. In 1853, however, Conway Robinson reported to the 
Virginia Historical Society that, on a recent visit to London, he 
had seen the original in the State Paper Office of England. In 
1857, George Bancroft had a copy made, and pubhshed it that 
year in the Collections of the New York Historical Society, 
(second series, III. 329-358). Subsequently a second copy 
was obtained from London by Col. Angus McDonald when sent 
to England to obtain papers necessary to protect the interests 
of Virginia against Maryland in regard to the boundary fine. 
Still another copy was obtained, when Hon. D. C. De Jarnette 
went upon a similar errand. In 1874 De Jarnette 's copy was 
printed by order of the Virginia State Senate as Colonial Records 
of Virginia, Senate Document Extra, and the copy below is 
made from this pubUcation. The original record, which was 
written by the speaker, John Pory, is in the Public Record 
Office, State Papers, Domestic, James I., vol. I., no. 45. 

L. G. T. 



PROCEEDINGS OF THE VIRGINIA 

ASSEMBLY, 1619 

A Reporte of the manner of proceeding in the General assembly 
convented at James citty in Virginia, July 30, 1619, con- 
sisting of the Governor, the Counsell of Estate and two 
Burgesses elected out of cache Incorporation and Plantation, 
and being dissolved the 4:th of August next ensuing. 

First. Sir George Yeardley/ Knight, Governor and Cap- 
taine general of Virginia, having sent his sumons all over the 
Country, as well to invite those of the Counsell of Estate that 
were absent as also for the election of Burgesses, there were 
chosen and appeared. 

For James citty ^ 

Captaine William Powell, 

Ensigne William Spense. 
For Charles citty ^ 

Samuel Sharpe, 

Samuel Jordan. 
For the citty of Henricus * 

Thomas Dowse, 

John Polentine. 

^ Sir George Yeardley, who had been a soldier in the Low Country wars, 
sailed for Virginia as captain of Sir Thomas Gates's company in 1609. He 
was wrecked with Gates on the Bermuda Islands and reaching Virginia 
was deputy-governor from the departure of Dale in April, 1616, to the 
arrival of Argall in May, 1617. After Lord Delaware's death he was ap- 
pointed to succeed him as governor and captain-general. He convened the 
first legislative assembly in America. He served till November 18, 1621. Li 
March, 1626, he was reappointed governor, and continued in that office till his 
death in November, 1627. 

^ The immediate district of Jamestown. 

^ The region of City Point. * Or Henrico; on Farrar's Island. 

249 



250 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1619 

For Kiccowtan ^ 

Captaine William Tucker, 

William Capp. 
For Martin Brandon ^-Capt. John Martin's Plantation 

Mr. Thomas Davis, 

Mr. Robert Stacy. 
For Smythe's hundred ^ 

Captain Thomas Graves, 

Mr. Walter Shelley. 
For Martin's hundred * 

Mr. John Boys, 

John Jackson. 
For Argall's guiffe ^ 

Mr. Pawlett, 

Mr. Gourgaing. 
For Flowerdieu hundred ® 

Ensigne Roffingham, 

Mr. Jefferson. 
For Captain Lawne's plantation ^ 

Captain Christopher Lawne, 

Ensigne W^asher. 
For Captaine Warde's plantation ^ 

Captaine Warde, 

Lieutenant Gibbes. 



^ Elizabeth City. 

' Brandon, on the south side of James River. This was one of the private 
plantations, resembling manors. 

^ Afterward Southampton Hundred, running along the north side of 
the James, from Weyanoke to the Chickahominy. This hundred, and some 
of those subsequently mentioned, were the property of different small associ- 
ations subordinate to the Virginia Company. On hundreds, see p. 266, 
note 2. 

* In the east end of the present James City County, some miles below 
Jamestown. 

* Argall's Gift lay about a mile north of Jamestown. See p. 275, note 1. 
' On the south side of the river, half way from Brandon to City Point. 
' At Lawne 's Creek in Isle of Wight County. 

* On the south side of James River, above Brandon, where Ward's Creek 
still preserves the name. 



1619] PROCEEDINGS OF THE VIRGINIA ASSEMBLY 251 

The most convenient place we could finde to sitt in was the 
Quire ^ of the Churche Where Sir George Yeardley, the Gov- 
ernor, being sett downe in his accustomed place, those of the 
Counsel of Estate sate nexte him on both hands excepte onely 
the Secretary then appointed Speaker, who sate right before 
him, John Twine, clerke of the General assembly, being placed 
nexte the Speaker, and Thomas Pierse, the Sergeant, standing 
at the barre, to be ready for any service the Assembly shoulde 
comaund him. But forasmuche as men's affaires doe little 
prosper where God's service is neglected, all the Burgesses 
tooke their places in the Quire till a prayer was said by Mr. 
Bucke,^ the Minister, that it would please God to guide and 
sanctifie all our proceedings to his owne glory and the good of 
this Plantation. Prayer being ended, to the intente that as 
we had begun at God Almighty, so we might proceed with 
awful and due respecte towards the Lieutenant,^ our most 
gratious and dread Soveraigne, all the Burgesses were 
intreatted to retyre themselves into the body of the 
Churche, which being done, before they were fully admitted, 
they were called in order and by name, and so every man 
(none staggering at it) tooke the oathe of Supremacy, 
and entred the Assembly. At Captaine Warde the Speaker 
tooke exception, as at one that without any Comission or 
authority had seatted himselfe either upon the Companies, 
and then his Plantation would not be lawfull, or on 
Captain Martin's lande, and so he was but a limbe or 
member of him, and there could be but two Burgesses for 
all.^ So Captaine Warde was comanded to absent himselfe 
till such time as the Assembly had agreed what was fitt for 
him to doe. After muche debate, they resolved on this order 
following : 

' Choir. 

' Rev. Richard Buck was educated at Oxford and came to Virginia in 1610 
with Sir Thomas Gates. He married John Rolfe to Pocahontas in Jamestown, 
April 5, 1614. In 1618 Rolfe writes that '' he was a verie good preacher." He 
died before February, 1624. 

' King James I. * The whole plantation. 



252 NARRATIVES 0¥ EARLY VIRGINIA [1619 

An order concluded by the General assembly concerning Captaine 
Warde, July 30th, 1619, at the opening of the said Assembly. 

At the reading of the names of the Burgesses, Exception 
was taken against Captaine Warde as having planted here in 
Virginia without any authority or comission from the Tresurer, 
Counsell and Company in Englande. But considering he had 
bene at so great chardge and paines to augmente this Colony, 
and adventured his owne person in the action, and since that 
time had brought home a good quantity of fishe, to relieve the 
Colony by waye of trade, and above all, because the Comission 
for authorising the General Assembly admitteth of two Bur- 
gesses out of every plantation without restrainte or exception, 
Upon all these considerations, the Assembly was contented to 
admitt of him and his Lieutenant (as members of their body 
and Burgesses) into their society. Provided, that the said 
Captaine Warde with all expedition, that is to saye between this 
and the nexte general assembly (all lawful impediments ex- 
cepted), should procure from the Tresurer, Counsell and Com- 
pany in England a comission lawfully to establish and plant 
himselfe and his Company as the Chieffs of other Plantations 
have done. And in case he doe neglect this he is to stande 
to the censure of the nexte general assembly. To this Captaine 
Warde, in the presence of us all, having given his consente and 
undertaken to performe the same was, together with his 
Lieutenant, by voices of the whole Assembly first admitted to 
take the oath of Supremacy, and then to make up their number 
and to sitt amongst them. 

This being done, the Governor himselfe alledged that be- 
fore we proceeded any further it behooved us to examine 
whither it were fitt, that Captaine Martin's ^ Burgesses shoulde 
have any place in the Assembly, forasmuche as he hath a 
clause in his Patente which doth not onely exempte him from 
that equality and uniformity of lawes and orders which the 

^ Captain John Martin was one of the original Council of Virginia, being 
the only member still resident in Virginia at this time. When Jamestown 
was abandoned in 1610, he was the only one of the colonists to protest 
against it. He was living as late as 1627. 



1619] PROCEEDIKGS OF THE VIRGIJS^IA ASSEMBLY 253 

great charter saith are to extende over the whole Colony, but 
also from diverse such lawes as we must be enforced to make in 
the General Assembly. That clause is as followeth: Item. 
That it shall and may be lawfull to and for the said Captain 
John Martin, his heyers, executours and assignes to governe 
and comaunde all suche person or persons as at this time he 
shall carry over with him, or that shalbe sente him hereafter, 
free from any comaunde of the Colony, excepte it be in ayding 
and assisting the same against any forren or domestical enemy. 
Upon the motion of the Governor, discussed the same time 
in the assembly, ensued this order following: 

An order of the General Assembly touching a clause in Captain 
Martinis Patent at James Citty, July 30, 1619. 

After all the Burgesses had taken the oath of Supremacy 
and were admitted into the house and all sett downe in their 
places, a Copie of Captain Martin's Patent was produced by 
the Governor out of a Clause whereof it appeared that when the 
general assembly had made some kinde of lawes requisite for 
the whole Colony, he and his Burgesses and people might deride 
the whole company and chuse whether they would obay the 
same or no. It was therefore ordered in Courte that the fore- 
said two Burgesses should withdraw themselves out of the 
assembly till suche time as Captaine Martin had made his per- 
sonall appearance before them. At what time, if upon their 
motion, if he would be contente to quitte and give over that 
parte of his Patente, and contrary thereunto woulde submitte 
himselfe to the general forme of governemente as all others did, 
that then his Burgesses should be readmitted, otherwise they 
were to be utterly excluded as being spies rather than loyal 
Burgesses, because they had offered themselves to be assistant 
at the making of lawes which both themselves and those whom 
they represented might chuse whether they would obaye or not. 

Then came there in a complainte against Captain Martin, 
that having sente his Shallop to trade for corne into the baye, 
under the commaunde of one Ensigne Harrison, the saide En- 



264 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1619 

signe should affirme to one Thomas Davis, of Paspaheighe, Gent, 
(as the said Thomas Davis deposed upon oathe,) that they had 
made a harde voiage, had they not mett with a Canoa coming 
out of a creeke where their shallop could not goe. For the 
Indians refusing to sell their Corne, those of the shallop en- 
tered the Canoa with their armes and tooke it by force, measur- 
ing out the corne with a baskett they had into the Shallop and 
(as the said Ensigne Harrison saith) giving them satisfaction in 
copper beades and other trucking stuffe. 

Hitherto Mr. Davys upon his oath. 

Furthermore it was signified from Opochancano to the 
Governour that those people had complained to him to procure 
them justice. For which considerations and because suche 
outrages as this might breede danger and loss of life to others 
of the Colony which should have leave to trade in the baye 
hereafter, and for prevention of the like violences against the 
Indians in time to come, this order following was agreed on by 
the general assembly: 

A second order against Captain Martin^ at James citty, July 

30, 1619. 

It was also ordered by the Assembly the same day in case 
Captaine Martin and the ging ^ of his shallop would not thor- 
oughly answere an accusation of an outrage committed gainst 
a certaine Conoa of Indians in the baye, that then it was 
thought reason (his Patent notwithstanding, the authority 
whereof he had in that case abused) he should from henceforth 
take leave of the Governour as other men, and should putt in se- 
curity, that his people shall comitte no such outrage any more. 

Upon this a letter or warrant was drawen in the name of 
the whole assembly to sumon Captaine Martin to appeare 
before them in the forme following : 

By the Governour and general assembly of Virginia. 

Captaine Martine, we are to request you upon sight hereof, 
with all convenient speed to repair hither to James citty to treatt 

' Gang, or crew. 



1619] PROCEEDINGS OF THE VIRGINIA ASSEMBLY 256 

and conferre wth us about some matters of especial importance 
which concerns both us and the whole Colony [and] yourself. 
And of this we praye you not to faile. James citty, July 30, 1619. 

To our very loving friend, Captain John Martin, Esquire, 
Master of the ordinance. 

These obstacles removed, the Speaker, who for a long time 
has bene extreame sickly, and therefore not able to passe 
through long harangues, delivered in briefe to the whole as- 
sembly the occasions of their meeting. A^Tiich done he read 
unto them the commission for establishing the Counsell of 
Estate and the general Assembly, wherein their duties were 
described to the life. 

Having thus prepared them he read over unto them the 
greate Charter, or commission of privileges, orders and laws,^ 
sent by ^ Sir George Yeardley out of Englande. Which for the 
more ease of the Committies, having divided into fower books, 
he read the former two the same forenoon for expeditions 
sake, a second time over, and so they were referred to the 
perusall of twoe Committies, which did reciprocally consider 
of either, and accordingly brought in their opinions. But some 
may here objecte to what ende we should presume to referre 
that to the examination of Committies which the Counsell and 
Company in England had already resolved to be perfect, and 
did expect nothing but our assente thereunto. To this we 
answere, that we did it not to the ende to correcte or controll 
anything therein contained, but onely in case we should finde 
ought ^ not perfectly squaring with the state of this Colony or 
any lawe which did presse or binde too harde, that we might by 
waye of humble petition, seeke to have it redressed, especially 
because this great Charter is to bind us and our heyers for 
ever. 

* This "greate Charter" was addressed to Sir George Yeardley. A copy 
is preserved in the Department of Manuscripts, Library of Congress, Washing- 
ton. It is presented with several omissions in the Virginia Magazine of 
History, II. 154-165. 

' With. » Anything. 



256 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1619 

The names of the Committies for perusing the first hooke of the 

fower: 

1. Captain William Powell, 2. Ensigne Rosingham, 

3. Caplaine Warde, 4. Captaine Tucker, 

5. Mr. Shelley, 6 Thomas Douse, 

7. Samuel Jordan, 8. Mr. Boys. 

The names of the Committies for perusing the second hooke: 

1. Captaine Lawne, 2. Captaine Graves, 

3. Ensigne Spense, 4. Samuel Sharpe, 

5. William Cap, 6. Mr. Pawlett, 

7. Mr. Jefferson, 8. Mr. Jackson. 

These Committies thus appointed, we brake up the first 
forenoon's assembly. 

r 

After dinner the Governour and those that were not of the 
Committies sate a second time, while the said Committies were 
employed in the perusall of those twoe bookes. And whereas 
the Speaker had propounded fower severall objects for the 
Assembly to consider on: namely, first the great charter of 
orders, lawes and privileges; Secondly, which of the instruc- 
tions given by the Counsel in England to my Lo : La: warre,* 
Captain Argall or Sir George Yeardley, might conveniently putt 
on the habite of lawes ; Thirdly, what lawes might issue out of 
the private conceipte of any of the Burgesses, or any other 
of the Colony ; and lastly, what petitions were fitt to be sente 
home for England. It pleased the Governour for expedition 
sake to have the second objecte of the fower to be examined 
and prepared by himself e and the Non-Committies. Wherein 
after having spente some three howers conference, the twoe 
Committies brought in their opinions concerning the twoe former 
bookes, (the second of which beginneth at these wordes of the 
charter: And forasmuche as our intente is to establish one 

* Lord De-la- Warre or Delaware. 



1619J PROCEEDINGS OF THE VIRGINIA ASSEMBLY 257 

equall and uniforme kinde of government over all Virginia &c.,) 
which the whole Assembly, because it was late, deferred to 
treatt of till the next morning. 

Satturday, July 31. 

The nexte daye, therefore, out of the opinions of the said 
Committies, it was agreed, these Petitions ensuing should be 
framed, to be presented to the Treasurer, Counsel and Company 
in England. Upon the Committies perusall of the first book, 
the Generall Assembly doe become most humble suitors to their 
lo^* ^ and to the rest of that honble Counsell and renowned 
Company, that albeit they have bene pleased to allotte unto 
the Governo'" to themselves, together with the Counsell of 
Estate here, and to the officers of Incorporations, certain lande ^ 
portions of lande to be layde out within the limites of the same, 
yet that they woulde vouchsafe also, that groundes as hereto- 
fore had bene granted by patent to the antient Planters by 
former Governours that had from the Company received comis- 
sion so to doe, might not nowe after so muche labour and coste, 
and so many yeares habitation be taken from them. And to 
the ende that no man might doe or suffer any wrong in this 
kinde, that they woulde favour us so muche (if they meane to 
graunte this our petition) as to sende us notice, what comis- 
sion or authority for graunting of landes they have given to 
eache particular Governour in times paste. 

The second petition of the General assembly framed by the 
Committies out of the second book is. That the Treasurer and 
Company in England would be pleased with as muche con- 
venient speed as may be to sende men hither to occupie their 
landes belonging to the fower Incorporations, as well for their 
owne behoofe and proffitt as for the maintenance of the 
Counsel of Estate, who are nowe to their extream hindrance 
often drawen far from their private busines and likewise that 
they will have a care to sende tenants to the ministers of the 
fower Incorporations to manure their gleab, to the intente that 

* Lordships. ' Doubtless an error for large. 



258 NAKRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1619 

all allowance they have allotted them of 200 G/ a yeare may 
be more easily raised. 

The thirde Petition humbly presented by this General 
Assembly to the Treasurer, Counsell and Company is, that it 
may plainly be expressed in the great Comission (as indeed it 
is not) that the antient Planters of both sortes, viz., suche as 
before Sir Thomas Dales' depart^ were come hither upon their 
owne chardges, and suche also as were brought hither upon the 
Companie's coste, maye have their second, third and more 
divisions successively in as lardge and free manner as any other 
Planters. Also that they wilbe pleased to alio we to the male 
children, of them and of all others begotten in Virginia, being 
the onely hope of a posterity, a single share a piece, and shares 
for their issues or for themselves, because that in a newe plan- 
tation it is not knowen whether man or woman be more neces- 
sary. 

Their fourth Petition is to beseech the Treasurer, Counsell 
and Company that they would be pleased to appoint a Sub- 
Treasurer here to collecte their rents, to the ende that the In- 
habitants of this Colony be not tyed to an impossibility of 
paying the same yearly to the Treasurer in England, and that 
they would enjoine the said Sub-Treasurer not precisely 
according to the letter of the Charter to exacte mony of us 
(whereof we have none at all, as we have no minte), but the 
true value of the rente in comodity.^ 

The fifte Petition is to beseeche the Treasurer, Counsell and 
Company that, towards the erecting of the University and 
Colledge, they will sende, when they shall thinke it most con- 
venient, workmen of all sortes, fitt for that purpose.^ 

^ An error doubtless for £, as shown in the "Create Charter," Virginia 
Magazine, II. 158. ^ Departure. 

^ This refers to the quit-rent of twelve pence annually for every fifty acres 
of land granted to every settler "after midsummer day during the next seven 
years." The prayer of the petition is to pay "comodity," chiefly tobacco. 

* In response to this petition workmen were sent over, lands were laid 
out at Henrico, and a rector was elected for said "University and Colledge"; 
but the Indians in INIarch, 1622, killed nearly all the people at the settlement 
and destroyed the enterprise. 



1619J FKOCEEDINGS OF THE VIRGINIA ASSEMBLY 259 

The sixte and laste is, they wilbe pleased to change the 
savage name of Kiccowtan, and to give that Incorporation 
a new name/ 

These are the general Petitions drawen by the Comitties 
out of the two former bookes which the whole general assembly 
in maner and forme above sett downe doe most humbly offer 
up and present to the honourable construction of the Treasurer, 
Counsell and Company in England. 

These petitions thus concluded on, those twoe Comitties 
broughte me a reporte what they had observed in the two 
latter bookes, which was nothing else but that the perfection 
of them was suche as that they could finde nothing therein 
subject to exception, only the Governors particular opinion to 
my selfe in private hathe bene as touching a clause in the thirde 
booke, that in these doubtfull times between us and the Indians, 
it would behoove us not to make as lardge distances between 
Plantation as ten miles, but for our more strength ande security 
to drawe nearer together. At the same time, there remaining 
no farther scruple in the mindes of the Assembly touching the 
said great Charter of lawes, orders and priviledges, the Speaker 
putt the same to the question, and so it had both the general 
assent and the applause of the whole assembly, who, as they 
professed themselves in the first place most submissively 
thankful to almighty god, therefore so they commaunded the 
Speaker to returne (as nowe he doth) their due and humble 
thankes to the Treasurer Counsell and company for so many 
priviledges and favours as well in their owne names as in the 
names of the whole Colony whom they represented. 

This being dispatched we fell once more debating of suche 
instructions given by the Counsell in England to several 
Governors as might be converted into lawes, the last whereof 
was the Establishment of the price of Tobacco, namely, of the 
best at dd^ and the second at ISd the pounde. At the read- 
ing of this the Assembly thought good to send for Mr. Abraham 
Persey, the Cape marchant,^ to publishe this instruction to 

^ It was given the name of Elizabeth City. * An error for 3s. 

' Keeper of the pubUc stores. 



260 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1619 

him, and to demaunde of him if he knewe of any impediment 
why it might not be admitted of ? His answere was that he had 
not as yet received any suche order from the Adventurers of 
the ^ in England. And notwithstanding he sawe the authority 
was good, yet was he unwiUing to yield, till suche time as the 
Governor and Assembly had layd their commandment upon him, 
out of the authority of the foresaid Instructions as followeth : 

By the General Assembly. 

We will and require you, Mr. Abraham Persey, Cape Mar- 
chant, from this daye forwarde to take notice, that, according 
to an article in the Instructions confirmed by the Treasurer, 
Counsell and Company in Englande at a general quarter 
courte, both by voices and under their hands and the Comon 
seall, and given to Sir George Yeardley, knight, this present 
governour, Decemb. 3, 1618, that you are bounde to accepte of 
the Tobacco of the Colony, either for commodities or upon 
billes, at three shillings the beste and the second sorte at 
ISd the punde, and this shalbe your sufficient dischardge. 

James citty out of the said General 
Assembly, July 31, 1619. 

At the same the Instructions convertible into lawes were 
referred to the consideration of the above named Committies, 
viz., the general Instructions to the first Committie and the 
particular Instructions to the second, to be returned by them 
into the assembly on Munday morning. 

Sunday, Aug, 1, 
Mr. Shelley,^ one of the Burgesses, deceased. 

Munday, Aug. 2. 

Captain John Martin (according to the sumons sent him 
on Fry day, July 30,) made his personall appearance at the 

* Supply '' Magazine," which appears in the Bancroft and McDonald copies. 
2 Walter Shelley of Smyth's Hundred, the country on the north side of 
the river between Weyanoke and Chickahominy River. 



1619] PROCEEDINGS OF THE VIRGINIA ASSEMBLY 261 

barre, whenas the Speaker having first read unto him the orders 
of the Assembly that concerned him, he pleaded lardgely for 
himself to them both and indevoured to answere some other 
thinges that were objected against his Patente. In fine, being 
demanded out of the former order whether he would quitte 
that clause of his Patent which (quite otherwise then Sir 
William Throckmorton's, Captain Christopher Lawnes and 
other men's patentes) exempteth himselffe and his people from 
all services of the Colonic excepte onely in case of warre against 
a forren or domesticall enemie. His answere was negative, that 
he would not infringe any parte of his Patente. Whereupon 
it was resolved by the Assembly that his Burgesses should have 
no admittance. 

To the second order his answere was affirmative, namel}^ 
that (his Patent notwithstanding) whensoever he should send 
in to the baye to trade, he would be contente to putt in security 
to the Governour for the good behaviour of his people towardes 
the Indians. 

It was at the same time further ordered by the Assembly 
that the Speaker, in their names, should (as he nowe doth) 
humbly demaunde of the Treasurer, Counsell and Company 
an exposition of this one clause in Captaine Martin's Patente 
namely, where it is saide That he is to enjoye his landes in as 
lardge and ample manner, to all intentes and purposes, as any 
lord of any manours in England dothe holde his grounde out 
of which some have collected that he might by the same graunte 
protecte men from paying their debts and from diverse other 
dangers of lawe. The least the Assembly can alledge against 
this clause is, that it is obscure, and that it is a thing impos- 
sible for us here to knowe the Prerogatives of all manours in 
Englande. The Assembly therefore humbly beseeches their 
lo^^^ and the rest of that Honble house that in case they shall 
finde any thing in this or in any other parte of his graunte 
wherby that clause towards the conclusion of the great charter, 
(viz., that all grauntes aswell of the one sorte as of the other 
respectively, be made with equal! favour, and graunts of like 
liberties and imunities as neer as may be, to the ende that all 



262 KAERATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1619 

complainte of partiality and indifferency may be avoided,) 
might in any sorte be contradicted or the uniformity and equal- 
ity of lawes and orders extending over the whole Colony might 
bo impeached, That they would be pleased to remove any such 
hindrance as may diverte out of the true course the free and 
publique current of Justice. 

Upon the same ground and reason their lo''^ together with 
the rest of the Counsell and Company, are humbly besought 
by this general assembly that if in that other clause which ex- 
empteth Captaine Martin and his people from all services of the 
Colony etc., they shall finde any resistance [to] that equality 
and uniformity of lawes and orders intended nowe by them to 
be established over the whole Colony, that they would be 
pleased to reforme it. 

In fine, wheras Captaine Martin, for those ten shares al- 
lowed him for his personal adventure and for his adventure of 
£70 besides, doth claim 500 acres a share, that the Treasurer, 
Counsell and Company woulde vouchsafe to give notice to the 
Governour here, what kinde of shares they meante he should 
have when they gave him his Patent.^ 

The premisses about Captaine Martin thus resolved, the 
Committies appointed to consider what instructions are fitt 
to be converted into lawes, brought in their opinions, and first 
of some of the general instructions. 

Here begin the lawes drawen out of the Instructions given by his 
Mo!''^^ Counsell of Virginia in England to my lo : la warre, 
Captain Argall and Sir George Yeardley, knight. 

By this present General Assembly be it enacted that no in- 
jury or oppression be wrought by the English against the Indians 
whereby the present peace might be disturbed and antient 
quarrells might be revived. And farther be it ordained that 
the Chicohomini are not to be excepted out of this lawe ; un- 

^ The question of Captain Martin's patent came up in England, and he 
was finally forced to take a new patent submitting to the authority of the 
colony. 



1619] PROCEEDINGS OF THE VIRGINIA ASSEMBLY 263 

till either that suche order come out of Englande or that they 
doe provoke us by some newe injury. 

Against Idlenes, Gaming, drunkenes and excesse in ap- 
parell the Assembly hath enacted as followeth : 

First, in detestation of Idlenes be it enacted, that if any man 
be founde to live as an Idler or renagate, though a freedman, 
it shalbe lawful for that Incorporation or Plantation to which 
he belongeth to appoint him a Mr^ to serve for wages, till 
he she we apparant signes of amendment. 

Against gaming at dice and Gardes be it ordained by this 
present assembly that the winner or winners shall lose all his 
or their winninges and both winners and loosers shall forfaite 
ten shillings a man, one ten shillings whereof to go to the dis- 
coverer, and the rest to charitable and pious uses in the Incor- 
poration where the faulte is comitted. 

Against drunkenness be it also decreed that if any private 
person be found culpable thereof, for the first time he is to be 
reprooved privately by the Minister, the second time pub- 
liquely, the thirde time to lye in boltes 12 howers in the house of 
the Provost Marshall and to paye his fee, and if he still continue 
in that vice, to undergo suche severe punishment as the Governor 
and Counsell of Estate shall thinke fitt to be inflicted on him. 
But if any officer offende in this crime, the first time he shall 
receive reprooff from the Governour, the second time he shall 
openly be reprooved in the churche by the minister, and the 
third time he shall first be comitted and then degraded. Pro- 
vided it be understood that the Governor hath alwayes 
power to restore him when he shall in his discretion thinke 
fitte. 

Against excesse in apparell that every man be cessed in the 
churche for all publique contributions, if he be unmarried 
according to his owne apparell, if he be married, according to 
his owne and his wives, or either of their apparell. 

As touching the instruction of drawing some of the better 
disposed of the Indians to converse with our people and to 

^ Master. 



264 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1619 

live and labour amongst them, the Assembly who knowe well 
their dispositions thinke it fitte to enjoin, least to counsell 
those of the Colony, neither utterly to reject them nor yet to 
drawe them to come in. But in case they will of themselves 
come voluntarily to places well peopled, there to doe service in 
killing of Deere, fishing, beatting of Corne and other workes, 
that then five or six may be admitted into every such place, 
and no more, and that with the consente of the Governour. 
Provided that good guarde in the night be kept upon them for 
generally (though some amongst many may proove good) 
they are a most trecherous people and quickly gone when they 
have done a villany. And it were fitt a house were builte for 
them to lodge in aparte by themselves, and lone inhabitants 
by no meanes to entertain them. 

Be it enacted by this present assembly that for laying a 
surer foundation of the conversion of the Indians to Christian 
Religion, cache towne, citty, Borrough, and particular plan- 
tation do obtaine unto themselves by just means a certine 
number of the natives' children to be educated by them in true 
religion and civile course of life — of which children the most 
towardly boyes in witt and graces of nature to be brought up 
by them in the first elements of litterature, so to be fitted for 
the Colledge intended for them that from thence they may be 
sente to that worke of conversion. 

As touching the busines of planting corne this present 
Assembly doth ordain that yeare by yeare all and every house- 
holder and householders have in store for every servant he or 
they shall keep, and also for his or their owne persons, whether 
they have any Servants or no, one spare barrell of corne, to be 
delivered out yearly, either upon sale or exchange as need shall 
require. For the neglecte of which duty he shalbe subjecte to 
the censure of the Governor and Counsell of Estate. Provided 
always that the first yeare of every newe man this lawe shall 
not be of force. 

About the plantation of Mulbery trees, be it enacted that 
every man as he is seatted upon his division, doe for seven 
yeares together, every yeare plante and maintaine in growte 



1619] PROCEEDINGS OF THE VIRGINIA ASSEMBLY 265 

six Mulberry trees at the least, and as many more as he shall 
think conveniente and as his vurtue and Industry shall move 
him to plante, and that all suche persons as shall neglecte the 
yearly planting and maintaining of that small proportion shalbc 
subjecte to the censure of the Governour and the Counsell of 
Estate. 

Be it farther enacted as concerning Silke-flaxe, that those 
men that are upon their division or setled habitation doe this 
next yeare plante and dresse 100 plantes, which being founde 
a comodity, may farther be increased. And whosoever do faill 
in the performance of this shalbe subject to the punishment 
of the Governour and Counsell of Estate. 

For hempe also both English and Indian and for English 
flax and Anniseeds, we do require and enjoine all householders 
of this Colony that have any of those seeds to make tryal 
thereof the nexte season. 

Moreover be it enacted by this present Assembly, that every 
householder doe yearly plante and maintaine ten vines untill 
they have attained to the art and experience of dressing a 
Vineyard either by their owne industry or by the Instruction 
of some Vigneron. And that upon what penalty soever the 
Governor and Counsell of Estate shall thinke fitt to impose 
upon the neglecters of this acte. 

Be it also enacted that all necessary tradesmen, or so many 
as need shall require, suche as are come over since the departure 
of Sir Thomas Dale, or that shall hereafter come, shall worke 
at their trades for any other man, each one being payde ac- 
cording to the quality of his trade and worke, to be estimated, 
if he shall not be contented, by the Governor and officers of 
the place where he worke th. 

Be it further ordained by this General Assembly, and we 
doe by these presents enacte, that all contractes made in Eng- 
land between the owners of the lande and their Tenants and 
Servantes which they shall sende hither, may be caused to be 
duely performed, and that the offenders be punished as the 
Governour and Counsell of Estate shall thinke just and con- 
venient. 



266 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1619 

Be it established also by this present Assembly that no 
crafty or advantagious means be suffered to be put in practise 
for the inticing awaye the Tenants or Servants of any particular 
plantation from the place where they are seatted. And that 
it shalbe the duty of the Governor and Counsell of Estate most 
severely to punish both the seducers and the seduced, and to 
retume these latter into their former places. 

Be it further enacted that the orders for the Magazin lately 
made be exactly kepte, and that the Magazin ^ be preserved 
from wrong and sinister practises, and that according to the 
orders of courte in Englande all Tobacco and sasaf ras be brought 
by the Planters to the Cape marchant till suche time as all 
the goods nowe or heretofore sent for the Magazin be taken 
off their hands at the prices agreed on. That by this meanes 
the same going for Englande with one hande the price thereof 
may be uphelde the better. And to that ende that all the 
whole Colony may take notice of the last order of Courte made 
in Englande and all those whom it concerneth may knowe howe 
to observe it, we holde it fitt to publishe it here for a lawe 
among the rest of our lawes. The which order is as followeth : 

Upon the 26 of October, 1618, it was ordered that the 
Magazin should continue during the terme formerly prefixed 
and that certaine abuses now complained of should be reformed 
and that for preventing of all Impositions save the allowance 
of 25 in the hundred proffitt, the Governor shall have an invoice 
as well as the Cape Marchant, that if any abuse in the sale of 
the goods be offered, wee upon Intelligence and due exami- 
nation thereof, shall see it correctede. And for incouragement 
of particular hundreds,^ as Smythe's hundred, Martin's hun- 
dred, Lawnes' hundred, and the like, it is agreed that what 
comodoties are reaped upon anie of these General ^ Colonies, 

^ The company's storehouse. 

' Hundred was the Anglo-Saxon word for a community occupying a larger 
territory than a town or for a subdivision of the county. The application was 
revived in Virginia, and the hundred might embrace several boroughs. 

• Bancroft's and McDonald's copies render this word ^'severall," which is 
evidently right. 



1C19] PKOOEEDiJ^^GS OF THE VIFwGlNIA ASSEMBLY 267 

it shalbe lawefull for them to retume the same to their owne 
adventurers. Provided that the same comodity be of their 
owne growing, without trading with any other, in one entyre 
lumpe and not dispersed and that at the determination of the 
jointe stocke, the goods then remaining in the Magazin shalbe 
bought by the said particular Colonies before any other goods 
which shall be sente by private men. And it was moreover 
ordered that if the lady la warre, the Lady Dale, Captain 
Bargrave and the rest, would unite themselves into a settled 
Colony they might be capable of the same priviledges that are 
graunted to any of the foresaid hundreds. Hitherto the order. 
All the general Assembly by voices concluded not only the 
acceptance and observation of this order, but of the Instruc- 
tion also to Sir George Yeardlej^ next preceding the same. 
Provided first, that the Cape Marchant do accepte of the 
Tobacco of all and everie the Planters here in Virginia, either 
for Goods or upon billes of Exchange at three shillings the 
pounde the beste, and 18c? the second sorte. Provided also 
that the billes be only payde in Englande. Provided, in the 
third place, that if any other besides the Magazin have at any 
time any necessary comodity which the Magazine dothe wante, 
it shall and may be lawfull for any of the Colony to buye the 
said necessary comodity of the said party, but upon the termes 
of the Magazin viz: allowing no more gaine then 25 in the 
hundred, and that with the leave of the Governour. Provided 
lastly, that it may be lawfull for the Governor to give leave to 
any Mariner, or any other person that shall have any suche 
necessary comodity wanting to the Magazin to carrie home 
for Englande so muche Tobacco or other naturall comodities 
of the Country as his Customers shall pay him for the said 
necessary comodity or comodities. And to the ende we may 
not only persuade and incite men, but inforce them also 
thoroughly and loyally to aire their Tobacco before they bring 
it to the Magazine, be it enacted, and by these presents we doe 
enacte, that if upon the Judgement of fower sufficient men of 
any incorporation where the Magazine shall reside, (having first 
taken their oaths to give true sentence, twoe whereof to be chosen 



268 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [leis 

by the Cape Marchant and twoe by the Incorporation), any 
Tobacco whatsoever shall not proove vendible at the second price, 
that it shall there imediately be burnt before the owner's face. 
Hitherto suche lawes as were drawen out of the Instructions. 

Tuesday, Aug. S, 1619, 

This morning a thirde sorte of lawes (suche as might pro- 
ceed out of every man's private conceipt) were read and referred 
by halves to the same comitties which were from the beginning. 

This done, Captaine WilUam Powell presented to the 
Assembly a pettiton to have justice against a lewde andtrecher- 
ous servante of his who by false accusation given up in writing 
to the Governor sought not only to gett him deposed from his 
government of James citty and utterly (according to the Proc- 
lamation) to be degraded from the place and title of a Cap- 
taine,^ but to take his Ufe from him also. And so out of the 
said Petition sprang this order following: 

Captaine WilHam Powell presented a pettition to the 
generall Assembly against one Thomas Garnett, a servant of 
his, not onely for extreame neglect of his business to the great 
loss and prejudice of the said Captaine, and for openly and im- 
pudently abusing his house, in sight both of Master and Mis- 
tress, through wantonnes with a woman servant of theirs, a 
widdowe, but also for falsely accusing him to the Governor 
both of Drunkennes and Thefte, and besides for bringing all 
his fellow servants to testifie on his side, wherein they justly 
failed him. It was thought fitt by the general assembly (the 
Grovernour himself giving sentence), that he should stand fower 
dayes with his eares nayled to the Pillory, viz: Wednesday, 
Aug. 4th, and so hkewise Thursday, fryday, and Satturday 
next following, and every of those dayes should be pubUquely 
whipped. Now, as touching the neglecte of his worke, what 
satisfaction ought to be made to his Mr ^ for that is referred 
to the Governour and Counsell of Estate. 

* In 1617 Governor Samuel Argall made Powell captain of the governor's 
guard, and commander of Jamestown, the fort, and the blockhouses. 
'Master. 



1619] PROCEEDINGS OF THE VIRGINIA ASSEMBLY 269 

The same morning the lawes abovewritten, drawen out of 
the instructions, were read, and one by one thoroughly ex- 
amined, and then passed once again the general consente of 
the whole Assembly. 

This afternoon the comitties brought in a reporte, what 
they had done as concerning the thirde sorte of lawes, the dis- 
cussing whereof spent e the residue of that daye. Excepte 
onely the consideration of a pettiton of Mr. John Rolfes 
againste Captaine John Martine for writing a letter to him 
wherein (as Mr. Rolfe alledgeth) he taxeth him both unseemly 
and amisse of certaine thinges wherein he was never faulty, 
and besides, casteth some aspersion upon the present govern- 
ment, which is the most temperate and juste that ever was in 
this country, too milde indeed, for many of this Colony, whom 
unwoonted hberty hath made insolente and not to know 
themselves. This Petition of Mr. Rolfes' was thought fitt to 
be referred to the Counsell of State. 

Wednesday J Aug, Uh, 

This daye (by reason of extream heat, both paste and likely 
to ensue and by that meanes of the alteration of the healthes 
of diverse of the general Assembly) the Governour, who him- 
self also was not well, resolved should be the last of this first 
session ; so in the morning the Speaker (as he was required by 
the Assembly) redd over all the lawes and orders that had 
formerly passed the house, to give the same yett one review^e 
more, and to see whether there were any thing to be amended 
or that might be excepted againste. This being done, the 
third sorte of lawes which I am nowe coming to sett downe, 
were read over [and] thoroughly discussed, which, together with 
the former, did now passe the laste and finall consente of the 
General Assembly. 

A thirde sorte of lawes j suche as may issue out of every marl's 

private conceipte. 

It shalbe free for every man to trade with the Indians, 
servants onely excepted, upon paine of whipping, unless the 



270 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1619 

Mr. will redeeme it off with the payment of an Angell/ one- 
fourth parte whereof to go to the Provost Marshall one fourth 
parte to the discoverer, and the other moyty ^ to the pubUque 
uses of the Incorporation. 

That no man doe sell or give any of the greatter howes ^ 
to the Indians, or any Enghsh dog of quality, as a mastive, 
greyhound, bloodhounde, lande or water spaniel, or any other 
dog or bitche whatsoever, of the Enghshe race, upon paine of 
forfaiting 5s sterUng to the pubUque uses of the Incorporation 
where he dwelleth. 

That no man do sell or give any Indians any piece shott or 
poulder, or any other armes, offensive or defensive upon paine 
of being held a Traytour to the Colony, and of being hanged as 
soon as the facte is proved, without all redemption.'' 

That no man may go above twenty miles from his dwelling- 
place, nor upon any voiage whatsoever shalbe absent from 
thence for the space of seven dayes together without first hav- 
ing made the Governor or comaunder of the same place ac- 
quainted therwith, upon paine of paying twenty shillings to the 
publique uses of the same Incorporation where the party de- 
linquent dwelleth. 

That no man shall purposely goe to any Indian townes, 
habitations or places or resortes without leave from the 
Governor or comaunder of that place wher he liveth, upon 
paine of paying 40.s to pubUque uses as aforesaid. 

That no man Uving in this Colony, but shall between this 
and the first of January nexte ensueing come or sende to the 
Secretary of Estate to enter his own and all his servants' names, 
and for what terme or upon what conditions they are to serve, 
upon penalty of paying 40s to the said Secretary of Estate. 
Also, whatsoever M""^ ^ or people doe come over to this plan- 
tation that within one month of their arrivall (notice being 
first given them of this very lawe) they shall likewise resorte 

* An English coin bearing the figure of the archangel Michael, worth 
from 8s. &d. to 10s. ' Half. ' Hoes. 

* As long as the Indians had to depend on their bows and arrows, they 
were comparatively harmless. * I.e., masters. 



1 



1619J PROCEEDINGS OF THE VIKGINIA ASSEMBLY 271 

to the Secretary of Estate and shall certifie him upon what 
termes or conditions they be come hither, to the ende that he 
may recorde their grauntes and comissions, and for how long 
time and upon what conditions their servants (in case they 
have any) are to serve them, and that upon paine of the penalty 
nexte above mentioned. 

All Ministers in the Colony shall once a year, namely, in 
the moneth of Marche, bring to the Secretary of Estate a true 
account of all Christenings, burials and marriages, upon paine, 
if they faill, to be censured for their negligence by the Governor 
and Counsell of Estate ; hkewise, where there be no ministers, 
that the comanders of the place doe supply the same duty. 

No man, without leave of the Governor, shall kill any Neatt ^ 
cattle whatsoever, young or olde, especially kine, Heyfurs or 
cow-calves, and shalbe careful to perserve their steers and oxen, 
and to bring them to the plough and such profitable uses, and 
without having obtained leave as aforesaid, shall not kill them, 
upon penalty of forfaiting the value of the beast so killed. 

Whosoever shall take any of his neighbors' boates, oares, 
or canoas without leave from the owner shalbe helde and es- 
teemed as a felon and so proceeded againste ; tho hee that shall 
take away by violence or stelth any canoas or other thinges 
from the Indians shall make valuable restitution to the said 
Indians, and shall forfaict, if he be a freeholder, five pound ; 
if a servant, 40s, or endure a whipping; and anything under 
the value of ISd shall be accounted Petty larcency. 

All ministers shall duely read di\dne service, and exercise 
their ministerial function according to the Ecclesiastical lawes 
and orders of the churche of Englande, and every Sunday in 
the afternoon shall Catechize suche as are not yet ripe to come 
to the Com.^ And whosoever of them shalbe found negligent 
or faulty in this kinde shalbe subject to the censure of the 
Governor and Counsell of Estate. 

The Ministers and Churchwardens shall seeke to presenter 
all ungodly disorders, the comitters wherofe if, upon goodc 

* Cattle, as distinguished from horses, sheep, goats, etc. ' Communion. 



272 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [101^ 

admontions and milde reprooff, they will not forbeare the said 
skandalous offenses, as suspicions of whordomes, dishonest 
company keeping with weomen and suche hke, they are to be 
presented and punished accordingly. 

If any person after two warnings, doe not amende his or 
her hfe in point of evident suspicion of Incontincy or of the 
comission of any other enormous sinnes, that then he or shee 
be presented by the Churchwardens and suspended for a time 
from the churche by the minister. In which Interim if the 
same person do not amende and humbly submit him or her- 
self to the churche, he is then fully to be excomunicate and 
soon after a writt or warrant to be sent from the Governor for 
the apprehending of his person ande seizing on all his goods. 
Provided alwayes, that all the ministers doe meet once a quar- 
ter, namely, at the feast of St. Michael the Arkangell, of the 
nativity of our saviour, of the Annuntiation of the blessed Vir- 
gine, and about midsomer,^ at James citty or any other place 
where the Governor shall reside, to determine whom it is fitt 
to excomunicate, and that they first presente their opinion to 
the Grovernor ere they proceed to the acte of excomunication. 

For the reformation of swearing, every freeman and Mr.^ 
of a family after thrise admontion shall give 5s or the value upon 
present demaunde, to the use of the church where he dwelleth; 
and every servant after the Uke admontion, excepte his Mr. 
discharge the fine, shalbe subject to whipping. Provided, that 
the payment of the fine notwithstanding, the said servant shall 
acknowledge his faulte pubUquely in the Churche. 

No man whatsoever, coming by water from above, as from 
Henrico, Charles citty, or any place from the westwarde of 
James citty, and being bound for Kiccowtan,^ or any other 
parte on this side, the same shall presume to pass by, either by 
day or by night, without touching firste here at James citty to 
knowe whether the Governor will comande him any service. 
And the Hke shall they performe that come from Kicawtan 

* September 29, December 25, March 25, and June 24. 

* Master. • Kecoughtan, i.e., Elizabeth City 



1619] PROCEEDINGS OF THE VIRGINIA ASSEMBLY 273 

ward, or from any place between this and that, to go upwarde, 
upon paine of forfaiting ten pound sterling a time to the Gov- 
ernor. Provided, that if a servant having had instructions from 
his Master to observe this lawe, doe notwithstanding, trans- 
gresse the same, that then the said servant shalbe punished at 
the Governor's discretion; otherwise, that the master him- 
self e shall undergo the foresaid penalty. 

No man shall trade into the baye, either in shallop, pin- 
nace, or ship, without the Governor's license, and without 
putting in security that neither himself nor his Company shall 
force or wrong the Indians, upon paine that, doing otherwise, 
they shalbe censured at their returne by the Governor and 
Counsell of Estate.^ 

All persons whatsoever upon the Sabaoth daye shall fre- 
quente divine service and sermons both forenoon and after- 
noon, and all suche as beare armes shall bring their pieces 
swordes, poulder and shotte. And every one that shall 
transgresse this lawe shall forfaicte three shiUinges a time to 
the use of the churche, all lawful and necessary impediments 
excepted. But if a servant in this case shall wilfully neglecte 
his Mr's comande he shall suffer bodily punishmente. 

No maide or woman servant, either now resident in the 
Colonie or hereafter to come, shall contract herselfe in mar- 
riage without either the consente of her parents, or of her Mr or 
Mris, or of the magistrate and minister of the place both to- 
gether. And whatsoever minister shall marry or contracte 
any suche persons without some of the foresaid consentes 
shalbe subjecte to the severe censure of the Governor and 
Counsell of Estate. 

Be it enacted by this present assembly that whatsoever 
servant hath heretofore or shall hereafter contracte himselfe 
in England, either by way of Indenture or otherwise, to serve 
any Master here in Virginia and shall afterward, against his 
said former contracte depart from his Mr without leave, or, 

^ "The trade into the bay" was trade with the Indian tribes in furs, skins, 
and Indian baskets. 



274 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1619 

being once imbarked shall abandon the ship he is appointed to 
come in, and so, being lefte behinde, shall putt himselfe into 
the service of any other man that will bring him hither, that 
then at the same servant's arrival here, he shall first serve out 
his time with that Mr that brought him hither and afterward 
also shall serv^e out his time with his former Mr according to his 
covenant. 

Here ende the lawes. 

All these lawes being thus concluded and consented to as 
aforesaid Captaine Henry Spellman^ was called to the barre 
to answere to certaine misdemeanors layde to his chardge by 
Robert Poole, interpretour, upon his oath (whose examination 
the Governor sente into England in the Prosperus), of which 
accusations of Poole some he acknowledged for true, but the 
greattest part he denyed. Whereupon the General Assembly 
having throughly^ heard and considered his speaches, did 
constitute this order following against him : 

Aug. 4th, 1619. 

This day Captaine Henry Spelman was convented before the 
General Assembly and was examined by a relation upon oath 
of one Robert Poole, Interpreter, what conference had passed 
between the said Spelman and Opochancano at Poole's meeting 
with him in Opochancano 's courte. Poole chardgeth him he 
spake very unreverently and mahciously against this present 
Governor, whereby the honour and dignit}^ of his place and 
person, and so of the whole Colonic, might be brought into con- 
tempte, by which meanes what mischiefs might ensue from the 
Indians by disturbance of the peace or otherwise, may easily 
be conjectured. Some thinges of this relation Spelman con- 
fessed, but the most parte he denyed, excepte onely one matter 
of importance, and that was that he hade informed Opochancano 
that witliin a yeare there would come a Governor greattei 
then this that no we is in place. By which and by other re^ 

^ See p. 202, note 4. Thoroughly. 



1619] PROCEEDINGS OF THE VIRGINIA ASSEMBLY 275 

portes it seemeth he hath alienated the minde of Opochancano 
from this present Governour, and brought him in much dises- 
teem, both with Opochancano and the Indians, and the whole 
Colony in danger of their slippery designes. 

The general assembly upon Poole's testimony onely not 
wiUing to putt Spelman to the rigour and extremity of the 
lawe which might, perhaps both speedily and deservedly, have 
taken his hfe from him (upon the witness of one whom he muche 
excepted against) were pleased, for the present, to censure 
him rather out of that his confession above written then out 
of any other prooffe. Several and sharpe punishments were 
pronounced against him by diverse of the Assembly, But in 
fine the whole courte by voices united did enchne to the most 
favorable, which was that for this misdemeanour he should first 
be degraded of his title of Captaine, at the head of the troupe, 
and should be condemned to performe seven years service to 
the Colony in the nature of Interpreter to the Governour. 

This sentence being read to Spelman he, as one that had 
in him more of the Savage then of the Christian, muttered 
certaine wordes to himselfe neither shewing any remorse for 
his offenses, nor yet any thankfulness to the Assembly for 
theire sofavourable censure, which he at one time or another 
(God's grace not wholly abandoning him) might with some one 
service have been able to have redeemed. 

This day also did the Inhabitants of Paspaheigh, ahas 
Argall's towne,^ present a petition to the general assembly 
to give them an absolute discharge from certain bondes wherein 
they stand bound to Captain Samuell Argall for the payment 
of 600'^ and to Captain WiUiam Powell, at Captaine Argall's 
appointment, for the payment of 50^^ more. To Captaine 
Argall for 15 skore acres of wooddy ground, called by the name 
of Argal's towne or Paspaheigh ; to Captaine Powell in respect 

^ Argall's Town or Gift was situated on the north side of the river a mile 
from Jamestown in the old fields, where once stood the chief village of the 
Paspaheghs, but from which they had removed to Sandy Point not long before 
the coming of the white men. Argall's Town was established by Argall in 
1617. 



276 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [I6i9 

of his paines in clearing the grounde and building the houses, 
for which Captaine Argal ought to have given him satisfaction. 
Nowe, the general assembly being doubtful whether they have 
any power and authority to discharge the said bondes, doe by 
these presents (at the Instance of the said Inhabitants of 
Paspaheigh, aUas Martin's hundred people) become most 
humble sutours to the Treasurer, Counsell and Company in 
England that they wilbe pleased to gett the said bondes for 
600^^ to be cancelled ; forasmuche as in their great comission 
they have expressly and by name appointed that place of 
Paspaheigh for parte of the Governour's lande. And wheras 
Captain William Powell is payde his 50 which Captain Argall 
enjoined the saide Inhabitantes to presente him with, as parte 
of the bargaine, the general assembly, at their intreaty, do 
become sutours on their behalfe, that Captaine Argall, by the 
Counsell and Company in England, may be compelled either 
to restore the said 50'^ from thence, or else that restitution 
thereof be made here out of the goods of the said Captaine 
Argall. 

The last acte of the Generall Assembly was a contribution to 
gratifie their officers, as followeth : 

Aug. 4th, 1619, 

It is fully agreed at this general Assembly that in regard of 
the great paines and labour of the Speaker of this Assembly 
(who not onely first formed the same Assembly and to their 
great ease and expedition reduced all matters to be treatted 
of into a ready method, but also his indisposition notwithstand- 
ing wrote or dictated all orders and other expedients and is 
yet to write severall bookes for all the Generall Incorporations 
and plantations both of the great charter, and of all the lawes) 
and likewise in respecte of the diligence of the Gierke and ser- 
geant, officers thereto belonging. That every man and man- 
servant of above 16 yeares of age shall pay into the handes 
and Custody of the Burgesses of every Incorporation and plan- 
tation one pound of the best Tobacco, to be distributed to the 



1619] PROCEEDLNGS OE THE VIKGINIA ASSEMBLY 277 

Speaker and likewise to the Gierke and sergeant of the Assembly, 
according to their degrees and rankes, the whole bulke whereof 
to be delivered into the Speaker's handes, to be divided ac- 
cordingly. And in regarde the Provost Marshall of James citty 
hath also given some attendance upon the said General As- 
sembly, he is also to have a share out of the same. And this is 
to begin to be gathered the 24th of February nexte. 

In conclusion, the whole Assembly comaunded the Speaker 
(as nowe he doth) to present their humble excuse to the Treas- 
urer Counsell and Company in England for being constrained 
by the intemperature of the weather and the faUing sick of 
diverse of the Burgesses to breake up so abruptly — before 
they had so much as putt their lawes to the ingrossing. This 
they wholly comited to the fidelity of their speaker, w^ho therin 
(his conscience telles him) hath done the parte of an honest 
man, otherwise he would be easily founde out by the Bur- 
gesses themselves, who with all expedition are to have so 
many bookes of the same lawes as there be both Incorpora- 
tions and Plantations in the Colony. 

In the seconde place, the Assembly doth most humbly 
crave pardon that in so shorte a space they could bring their 
matter to no more perfection, being for the present enforced 
to sende home titles rather then lawes, Propositions rather 
then resolutions, Attemptes then Acchievements, hoping 
their courtesy will accepte our poor endevour, and their 
wisedome wilbe ready to supporte the weakness of this little 
flocke. 

Thirdly, the General Assembly doth humbly beseech the 
said Treasurer, Counsell and Company, that albeit it belong- 
eth to them onely to alio we or to abrogate any lawes which 
we shall here make, and that it is their right so to doe, yet that 
it would please them not to take it in ill parte if these lawes 
which we have now brought to light, do passe currant and 
be of force till suche time as we may knowe their farther 
pleasure out of Englande: for otherwise this people (who 
nowe at length have gotten the raines of former servitude 
into their owne swindge) would in shorte time growe so in- 



278 NARKATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1619 

Solent, as they would shake off all government, and there 
would be no living among them.^ 

Their last humble suite is, that the said Counsell and 
Company would be pleased, so soon as they shall finde it 
convenient, to make good their promise sett downe at the 
conclusion of their commission for establishing the Counsel 
of Estate and the General Assembly, namely, that they will 
give us power to alio we or disallowe of their orders of Courte, 
as his Majesty hath given them power to alio we or to reject 
our lawes. 

In sume Sir George Yeardle}^, the Governour prorogued 
the said General Assembly till the firste of Marche, wliich is 
to fall out this present yeare of 1619,^ and in the mean season 
dissolved the same. 

* In after days the acts of the Assembly passed as laws, until they were 
vetoed by the king. 

*/.e., till March 1, 1620, of new style. 



I 



LETTER OF JOHN PORY, 1619 



INTRODUCTION 

John Pory was born about 1570, studied at the university 
of Cambridge; and about 1597 became a disciple of Richard 
Hakluyt in '^cosmographie and foreign histories." In 1600 
he translated, edited, and published A Geographical Historie 
of Africa, written in Arabicke and Italian by John Leo, a More, 
home in Granada and brought up in Barbarie. From 1605 to 
1611 he was a member of Parhament for Bridgewater, and on 
April 19, 1610, he was made a master of arts at Cambridge. 
The next seven years were spent chiefly in travel in Europe 
and in the East, where he was attached to several embassies. 
In January, 1619, he sailed to Virginia as secretary of state 
with Sir George Yeardley, and was speaker of the first General 
Assembly which met at Jamestown, July 30, 1619, where 
his experience in Parhament was very useful to the members. 
From the adjournment of the assembly to August 22, 1622, 
he remained in Virginia, prosecuting voyages of discovery, 
writing letters, and otherwise making himself useful. He 
then sailed for England, and, stopping at the Plymouth settle- 
ment on Cape Cod Bay, reheved the famished colonists by a 
timely supply of provisions. In October, 1623, he was sent to 
Virginia as one of the commissioners to inquire into the real con- 
dition of affairs. They made their report in February, 1624. On 
July 15, 1624, Pory was made by the King one of the Virginia 
commission. He died at his house at Sutton St. Edmunds in 
Lincolnshire, in 1636. He was at times intemperate in his 
habits, but Wilham Bradford was proud of his friendship, and 
his life on the whole was valuable and praiseworthy. The follow- 
ing letter is in the Pubhc Record Office, London, and was pub- 
lished in the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 
fourth series, IX. 4-30. Sir Dudley Carleton was an able diplo- 
matist, and at this time EngUsh ambassador to the Netherlands. 

L. G. T. 

281 



LETTER OF JOHN PORY, 1619 

SECRETARY OF VIRGINIA, TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON 

Right Honourable, and my singular good Lorde : 

Having mett with so fitt a messenger as this man of warre 
of Fkishing/ I could not but imparte with your lordship (to 
whom I am so everlastingly bounde) these poore fruites of our 
labours here; wherein though your worship will espie many 
errours and imperfections, and matters of lowe esteeme; yet 
withall you wilbe contente to observe the very principle and 
rudiments of our Infant-Commonwealth; which though nowe 
contemptible, your worship may live to see a flourishing Es- 
tate: maugre both Spaniards and Indians. The occasion of 
this ship's coming hither was an accidental consortship in the 
West Indies with the Tresurer, an English man of warre also, 
licensed by a Commission from the Duke of Savoye to take 
Spaniards as lawfull prize. Tliis ship, the Treasurer, wente out 
of England in Aprill was twelvemoneth, about a moneth, I 
thinke, before any peace was concluded between the king of 
Spaine and that prince. Hither shee came to Captaine Argall, 
then governour of this Colony, being parte-owner of her. Hee 
more for love of gaine, the root of all evill, then for any true 
love he bore to this Plantation, victualled and manned her 

^ This Dutch man-of-war is the one which in August, 1619, sold to the 
settlers at Jamestown the first Africans imported into this country. The 
ship had cruised in the West Indies in company with the Treasurer 
sent out by Captain Argall under a commission from the Duke of Savoy, 
then at war with Spain. Both came to Jamestown freighted with slaves. 
On its way to Jamestown the Dutch or Flemish man-of-war touched at the 
Bermudas, where Kerby, the captain, presented fourteen negroes to Governor 
Kendall in return for supplies. The Treasurer reached the Bermudas 
towards the close of 1619 with twenty-nine slaves. 

282 



1619] LETTER OF JOHN PORY 283 

anewe, and sent her with the same Commission to raunge the 
Indies. The evente thereof (we may misdoubte) will prove 
some attempte of the Spaniard upon us, either by waye of 
revenge, or by way of prevention ; least we might in time make 
this place sedem belli against the West Indies. But our Gov- 
ernour being a Soldier truly bred in that university of warre, 
the Lowe Countries, purposeth at a place or two upon the river 
fortifiable to provide for them, animating in the meane while 
this warhke people (then whom for their small number no 
prince can be served with better) by his example to prepare 
their courages. 

Both those of our nation and the Indians also have this 
Torride sommer bene visited with great sickness and mortality ; 
which our good God (his name be blessed for it) hath recom- 
pensed with a marvelous plenty, suche as hath not bene since 
our first coming into the lande. For my selfe I was partly at 
land and partly at sea vexed with a calenture of some 4 or 
5 moneths. But (praised be God) I am nowe as healthful! as 
ever I was in my hfe. Here (as your lordship cannot be 
ignorant) I am, for faulte of a better. Secretary of Estate, the 
first that ever was chosen and appointed by Commission from 
the Counsell and Company in England, under their handes and 
common scale. By my fees I must maintaine my selfe ; which 
the Governour telles me, may this yeere amounte to a matter 
of 300/ sterUng; whereof fifty I doe owe to himselfe, and I 
pray God the remainder may amounte to a hundred more. As 
yet I have gotten nothing, save onely (if I may speak it with- 
out boasting) a general reputation of integrity, for having 
spoken freely to all matters, according to my conscience ; and 
as neare as I could discerne, done every man right. 

As touching the quality of this country, three thinges there 
bee which in fewe yeares may bring this Colony to perfection ; 
the Enghsh plough, Vineyards, and Cattle. For the first, 
there be many grounds here cleared by the Indians to our 
handes, which being much worne out,* will beare no more of 

* These were called "old fields." 



284 NAKRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1619 

their come, which requireth an extrordinary deale of sappe and 
substance to nourish it; but of our graine of all sortes it 
will beare great abundance. We have had this yeare a plenti- 
full cropp of English wheat, though the last harvest 1618 was 
onely shed upon the stubble, and so selfe-sowne, with out any 
other manurance. In July last so soon as we had reaped this 
selfe-sowen wheate, we sett Indian corne upon the same 
grounde, which is come up in great abundance ; and so by this 
meanes we are to enjoye two crops in one yeare from off one 
and the same fielde. The greatest labour we have yet bestowed 
upon Enghsh wheate, hath bene upon newe broken up groundes, 
one ploughing onely and one harrowing, far shorte of the Tilthe 
used in Christendome, which when we shall have abihty 
enough to performe, we shall produce miracles out of this 
earthe. 

Vines here are in suche abundance, as where soever a man 
treads, they are ready to embrace his foote. I have tasted here 
of a great black grape as big as a Damascin,^ that hath a true 
Muscatell-taste ; ^ the vine whereof now spending itself e to 
the topps of high trees, if it were reduced into a vineyard, and 
there domesticated, would yield incomparable fruite. The 
like or a better taste have I founde in a lesser sorte of black 
grapes.^ White grapes * also of great excellency I have hearde 
to be in the country ; but they are very rare, nor did I ever see 
or taste of them. For cattle, they do mightily increase here, 
both kine, hogges and goates, and are much greater in stature, 
then the race of them first brought out of England. No lesse 
are our horses and mares Hkely to multiply, which proove of 
a delicate shape, and of as good spirite and metall. 

All our riches for the present doe consiste in Tobacco, 
wherein one man by his owne labour hath in one yeare raised 
to himselfe to the value of 200^ sterling ; and another by the 
meanes of sixe servants hath cleared at one crop a thousand 

* Damson. 

' The muscadine, the fruit of which grows in clusters of three or four 
berries. ^ The frost grape. 

* Probably the scopenong, which is found near the North Carolina line. 



1619] LETTER OF JOHN PORY 28o 

pound English/ These be true, yet mdeed rare examples, yet 
possible to be done by others. Our principall wealth (I should 
have said) consisteth in servants: But they are chardgeable 
to be furnished with armes, apparell and bedding and for their 
transportation and casual,^ both at sea, and for their first 
yeare commonly at lande also : But if they escape, they prove 
very hardy, and sound able men.^ 

No we that your lordship may knowe, that we are not the 
veriest beggers in the worlde, our cowekeeper here of James 
citty on Sundays goes accowtered all in freshe flaming silke; 
and a wife of one that in England had professed the black 
arte, not of a scholler, but of a colHer of Croydon, weares her 
rough bever hatt with a faire perle hatband, and a silken suite 
thereto correspondent. But to leave the Populace, and to 
come higher; the Governour here, who at his first coming, 
besides a great cleale of worth in his person, brought onely his 
sword with him, was at his late being in London, together with 
his lady, out of his meer gettings here, able to disburse very 
near three thousand pounde to furnishe himselfe for his voiage. 
And once within seven yeares, I am persuaded (ahsit invidia 
verho) that the Governors place here may be as profittable as 
the lord Deputies of Irland. 

All this notwithstanding, I may say of myselfe, that when 
I was the last yeare with your lordship at Middleborough, si 
mens non laeva fuisset, I might have gone to the Hagh with 
you, and founde myselfe there nowe in far better company, 
which indeed is the soule of this fife, and might have bene 
deeply ingrafted into your lordship's service, which since 1 
have a thousand time affected in vaine. And therefore seeing I 
have missed that singular happiness, I must for what remaines, 

> One thousand pounds at that time was equivalent to $20,000 in present 
values. ^ Contingent expenses. 

3 After their first year emigrants became in a measure acclimated or 
"seasoned.'' A thousand people were in Virginia at Easter, 1619, and to 
this number 3570 were added during the next three years, yet only 1240 
were resident in the colony on Good Friday, March 22, 1622, a day when 
the horrors of an Indian massacre reduced the number to 894. The mor- 
tality from sickness fell heaviest of course, on the servant class. 



^86 



KARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA 



[1619 



depende upon Gods providence, who my hope is, wilbe so 
merciful towards me, as once more before I dye, to vouchsafe 
me the sight of your countenance, wherein, I speak unfainedly, 
I shall enjoye as much happines as in any other thing I can 
imagine in this worlde. 

At my first coming hither the sofitary uncouthnes of this 
place, compared with those partes of Christendome or Turky 
where I had bene ; and likewise my being sequestred from all 
occurrents and passages which are so rife there, did not a fit- 
tie vexe me. And yet in these five moneths of my continuance 
here, there have come at one time or another eleven saile of 
ships into this river ; but fraighted more with ignorance, then 
with any other marchandize.^ At length being hardned to 
this custome of abstinence from curiosity, I am resolved wholly 
to minde my busines here, and nexte after my penne, to have 
some good book alwayes in store, being in sofitude the best 
and choicest company. Besides among these Christall rivers, 
and oderiferous woods I doe escape muche expense, envye, 
contempte, vanity, and vexation of minde. Yet good my 
lorde, have a little compassion upon me, and be pleased to 
sende me what pampletts and relations of the Interim since I 
was with you, as your lordship shall thinke good, directing 
the same (if you please) in a boxe to Mr. Ralfe Yeardley, 
Apothecary (brother to Sir George Yeardley our governour), 
dwelling at the signe of the Hartychoke in great Woodstreet,^ 
to be sente to me by the first, together with his brothers 
thinges. This pacquett I delivered to one Marmaduke Rayner, 
an Englishman, who goes intertained as Pilott in this Flemishe 



* The original settlers and the first two supplies were largely composed of 
gentlemen, who nearly all perished of diseases and lack of food. Then 
martial law was tried, and workmen were imported, but they did not do as 
well as the gentlemen, and nearly all died. The culture of tobacco immensely 
increased the supply of servants, but they continued to die very quickly, 
even after free institutions were introduced. About 1642 tobacco had 
fallen from 3s. Qd. a pound to Id., and after that time the emigration was 
of the best material in England, who sought rest from the turmoil of civil 
war. See Tyler, England in America, pp. 109, 115. 

" T ondon. 



1619] LETTER OF JOHN POKY 287 

man of warre. If he come to your lordship, as he hathe 
promised, he wilbe the fittest messenger. All possible happi- 
nes I wishe to your lordship and to my most honoured lady, 
and though remote in place, yet neare in affection, doe reste 
Your lordships ever most humbly at your commande 

Jo. PORY. 

J aims Citty in Virginia j Sept. 30, 1619. 



THE GENERALL HISTORIE OF 

VIRGINIA BY CAPTAIN JOHN 

SMITH, 1624; THE FOURTH BOOKE 



INTRODUCTION 

The Generall Hisforie of Virginia, New England and the 
Summer Isles, compiled by Captain John Smith, was first printed 
at London in 1624, with an engraved title-page, profusely dec- 
orated. Smith had projected it as early as April 12, 1621, 
and attempted to interest the Virginia Company in the 
publication. In 1626, 1627, and 1632 what purported to be 
new editions were issued, but they had the same text with 
fresh title-pages only. In 1812 J. Pinkerton included the 
Generall Historie in his General Collection of Voyages. In 
1819 it was reprinted at Richmond, Virginia, by Rev. John 
Holt Rice, along with the True Travels of 1630. In 1884 the 
Generall Historie was included in the complete Works of Captain 
John Smith, published at London by Edward Arber. In 1907 
it was again reprinted, in Glasgow. It is divided into six 
books. The first book tells of the early voyages to, and at- 
tempts at, Enghsh settlement in America ; the second is a re- 
print, with variations, of the first part of the Map of Virginia 
(1612) ; the third is a reprint, with variations, of the second 
part of the Ma/p of Virginia; the fourth takes up the history 
of the Virginia colony from the departure for England of Cap- 
tain Smith about October 4, 1609, to the dissolution of the 
Virginia Company in May, 1624 ; the fifth book gives the his- 
tory of the Bermuda Islands from 1593 to 1624 ; and the sixth 
book gives a history of New England, which consists of a reprint 
of his A Description of New England (1616) and New England's 
Trials (1620), with some additional matter. Though Smith 

291 



292 NARRATIVES OF EAELY VIRGINIA 

had proposed to the Virginia Company in 1621 the pubHca- 
tion of such a work as the Generall Historie, it was never 
adopted or authorized by them. 

The fourth book may be described as a compilation of ex- 
tracts from the narratives of other men interspersed with the 
comments of Smith. It cannot be called history in the true 
sense for two reasons : first, because the journals of the Vir- 
ginia Company — the most important source of information 
during the last five years — were never consulted ; and second, 
because of the extreme partisan character of the writers. 
The ^'narratives" are written from the standpoint of that 
faction in the Virginia Company which was in favor of martial 
law, and Smith's comments are chiefly directed to his own 
glorification. Nevertheless, the errors that exist are to be 
found mainly in the coloring given to events and the preju- 
diced estimates placed upon men and conditions. Cautiously 
taken, therefore, the book is a valuable statement of events 
which occurred after Smith's departure from the colony. 
The fault is not so much that Smith misstates, as that he errs 
in his reasoning. A marked instance is his account of the 
'' Starving Time." Thus, he claims credit for the condition 
of the colony at the time of his departure to England, in Oc- 
tober, 1609, and enthusiastically tells of the great number of 
settlers and supplies which he left behind, contrasting this 
state of affairs with the desolation at the end of the '^Starv- 
ing Time." Now as a matter of fact, Smith's right to credit 
expired with the coming of the Third Supply in August, at which 
time the colony was reduced to a very low state, being billeted 
out in small companies among the savages. The numbers, 
and supphes on hand in October were chiefly brought by the 
newcomers, whose presence was very objectionable to Smith. 
After all, the supphes were wholly insufficient for the support 
of such a multitude of men as were unloaded at Jamestown 
from the fleet of Sir Thomas Gates. 



I 



INTRODUCTION 293 

Another instance of Smith's false reasoning may be found in 
his comments on the revocation of the charter of the Virginia 
Company. He states that the company in carrying out ^' their 
owne conceits consumed more than £200,000 and neere eight 
thousand men's hves," and, referring to the administration of 
Sir Edwin Sandys and the Earl of Southampton, attributes the 
result to want of ^^good order and government." The simple 
facts are that the misfortunes of the colon}^, under these two 
eminent statesmen, were due to cHmatic diseases and an Indian 
massacre, for neither of which they were responsible. 

L. G. T. 



THE GENERALL HISTORIE OF 

VIRGINIA BY CAPTAIN JOHN 

SMITH, 1624; THE FOURTH BOOKE 

To make plaine the True Proceedings of the Historic for 1609. 
we must follow the examinations of Doctor Simons, and two 
learned Orations published by the Companie; ^ with the re- 
lation of the Right Honourable the Lord De la Ware. 

What happened in the first government after the alteration, in 
the time of Captaine George Piercie their Governor. 

The day before Captaine Smith returned^ for England with 
the ships, Captaine Davis arrived in a small Pinace, with some 
sixteene proper men more: To these were added a company 
from James towne, under the command of Captaine John 
Sickelmore alias Ratliffe, to inhabit Point Comfort. Captaine 
Martin and Captaine West, having lost their boats and neere 
halfe their men among the Salvages, were returned to James 
towne; for the Salvages no sooner understood Smith was 
gone, but they all revolted, and did spoile and murther all 
they incountered. 

Now wee were all constrained to live onely on that Smith 
had onely for his owne Companie,^ for the rest had consumed 
their proportions. And now they had twentie Presidents 
with all their appurtenances: Master Piercie, our new Presi- 
dent, was so sicke hee could neither goe nor stand. But 
ere all was consumed, Captaine West and Captaine Sickel- 

^ " The examinations of Doctor Simons" (orSimmonds) may mean the por- 
tions of Book III. immediately preceding. ''Two learned Orations published by 
the Companie " most probably refers to Nova Britannia (London, 1609) and A 
True and Sincere Declaration (London, 1610). 

'About October 4, 1609. 

' I.e.f the portion of the settlers retained at Jamestown. 

294 



1609J SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 295 

more, each with a small ship and thirtie or fortie men well 
appointed, sought abroad to trade. Sickelmore upon the 
confidence of Powhatan, with about thirtie others as care- 
lesse as himselfe, were all slaine; onely Jeffrey Shortridge 
escaped; and Pokahontas the Kings daughter saved a boy 
called Henry Spilman, that lived many yeeres after, by her 
meanes, amongst the Patawomekes. Powhatan still, as he 
found meanes, cut off their Boats, denied them trade : so that 
Captaine West set saile for England. Now we all found the 
losse of Captaine Smith, yea his greatest maligners could now 
curse his losse : as for corne provision and contribution from 
the Salvages, we had nothing but mortall wounds, with clubs 
and arrowes ; as for our Hogs, Hens, Goats, Sheepe, Horse, or 
what lived, our commanders, officers and Salvages daily con- 
sumed them, some small proportions sometimes we tasted, till 
all was devoured; then swords, armes, pieces, or any thing, 
wee traded with the Salvages, whose cruell fingers were so oft 
imbrewed in our blouds, that what by their crueltie, our 
Governours indiscretion, and the losse of our ships, of five 
hundred within six moneths after Captaine Smiths departure, 
there remained not past sixtie men, women and children, most 
miserable and poore creatures ; and those were preserved for 
the most part, by roots, herbes, acornes, walnuts, berries, now 
and then a little fish: they that had startch in these ex- 
tremities, made no small use of it ; yea, even the very skinnes 
of our horses. Nay, so great was our famine, that a Salvage 
we slew and buried, the poorer sort tooke him up againe and 
eat him; and so did divers one another boyled and stewed 
with roots and herbs : And one amongst the rest did kill his 
wife, powdered ^ her, and had eaten part of her before it was 
knowne; for which hee was executed, as hee well deserved: 
now whether shee was better roasted, boyled or carbonado 'd, 
I know not ; but of such a dish as powdered wife I never heard 
of. This was that time, which still to this day ^ we called the 
starving time ; it were too vile to say, and scarce to be beleeved, 

' Salted. 2 1624. 



296 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1610 

what we endured : but the occasion was our owne, for want of 
providence industrie and government, and not the barren- 
nesse and defect of the Countrie, as is generally supposed ; for 
till then in three yeeres, for the numbers were landed us, we 
had never from England provision sufficient for six moneths, 
though it seemed by the bils of loading sufficient was sent us, 
such a glutton is the Sea, and such good fellowes the Mariners ; 
we as little tasted of the great proportion sent us, as they of 
our want and miseries, yet notwithstanding they ever over- 
swayed and ruled the businesse, though we endured all that is 
said, and chiefly lived on what this good Countrie naturally 
afforded. Yet had wee beene even in Paradice it selfe with 
these Governours, it would not have beene much better withe 
us ; yet there was amongst us, who had they had the govern- 
ment as Captaine Smith appointed, but that they could not 
maintaine it, would surely have kept us from those extremi- 
ties of miseries. This in ten dales more, would have supplanted 
us all with death. 

But God that would not this Countrie should be unplanted, 
sent Sir Thomas Gates, and Sir George Sommers with one hun- 
dred and fiftie people most happily preserved by the Bermudas 
to preserve us: strange it is to say how miraculously they 
were preserved in a leaking ship, as at large you may reade in 
the insuing Historie of those Hands/ 

The government resigned to Sir Thomas Gates 1610. 

When these two Noble Knights did see our miseries, being 
but strangers in that Countrie, and could understand no more 
of the cause, but by conjecture of our clamours and complaints, 
of accusing and excusing one another: They embarked us 
with themselves, with the best meanes they could, and aban- 
doning James towne,^ set saile for England : whereby you may 
see the event of the government of the former Commanders ^ 

^ The history of the Bermudas or Somers Islands to 1624 is contained 
in the fifth book of the Generall Historie. Gates and Somers arrived May 23, 
1610. * June 7, 1610. ' Ratcliffe, Martin, and Archer. 



1610] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 297 

left to themselves ; although they had lived there many yeeres, 
as formerly hath beene spoken (who hindred now their pro- 
ceedings, Captaine Smith being gone). 

At noone they fell to the He of Hogs, and the next morn- 
ing to Mulberypoint, at what time they descried the Long-boat 
of the Lord la Ware ; for God would not have it so abandoned. 
For this honourable Lord, then Governour of the Countrie, met 
them with three ships exceedingly well furnished with all 
necessaries fitting; who againe returned them to the aban- 
doned James towne.^ 

Out of the observations of William Simmons 

Doctor of Divinitie.^ 

The government devolved to the Lord la Ware, 

His Lordship arrived the ninth of June 1610. accompanied 
with Sir Ferdinando Waynman, Captaine Houlcroft, Captaine 
Lawson, and divers other Gentlemen of sort; the tenth he 
came up with his fleet, went on shore, heard a Sermon, read 
his Commission, and entred into consultation for the good of 
the Colonic: in which secret counsell we will a little leave 
them, that we may duly observe the revealed counsell of God. 
Hee that shall but turne up his eie, and behold the spangled 
canopie of heaven, or shall but cast downe his eie, and con- 
sider the embroydered carpet of the earth, and withall shall 
marke how the heavens heare the earth, and the earth the 
Corne and Oile, and they relieve the necessities of man, that 
man will acknowledge Gods infinite providence. But hee that 
shall further observe, how God inclineth all casuall events to 
worke the necessary helpe of his Saints, must needs adore the 
Lords infinite goodnesse. Never had any people more just 
cause, to cast themselves at the very foot-stoole of God, and 

* An account of these transactions, by Delaware and his council, in the 
form of a letter, dated July 7, 1610, is printed in Brown's Genesis, pp. 404- 
413, and in Neill's Virginia Company of London, pp. 36-49. 

^ I.e., what precedes is derived from The Proceedings of the English Col- 
ony in Virginia, by W. S. Its text is followed closely; see pp. 198-204, 
above. 



298 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1610 

to reverence his mercie, than this distressed Colonie; for if 
God had not sent Sir Thomas Gates from the Bermudas, 
within foure daies they had almost beene famished; if God 
had not directed the heart of that noble Knight to save the 
Fort from fiering at their shipping/ for many were very im- 
portunate to have burnt it, they had beene destitute of a 
present harbour and succour : if they had abandoned the Fort 
any longer time, and had not so soone returned, questionlesse 
the Indians would have destroied the Fort, which had beene 
the meanes of our safeties amongst them and a terror. If 
they had set saile sooner, and had lanched into the vast Ocean ; 
who would have promised they should have incountered the 
Fleet of the Lord la Ware: especially when they made for 
Newfound land, as they intended; a course contrarie to our 
Navie approaching. If the Lord la Ware had not brought 
with him a yeeres provision, what comfort would those poore 
soules have received, to have beene relanded to a second dis- 
truction ? This was the arme of the Lord of Hosts, who would 
have his people passe the red Sea and Wildernesse, and 
then to possesse the land of Canaan : It was divinely spoken 
of Heathen Socrates, If God for man be carefull, why should 
man bee over-distrustf ull ? for he hath so tempered the 
contrary qualities of the Elements, 

That neither cold things want heat, nor moist things dry, 
Nor sad things spirits, to quicken them thereby, 
Yet make they music all content of contrarietie, 
Which conquer'd, knits them in such links together, 
They doe produce even all this whatsoever. 

The Lord Governour, after mature deliberation, delivered 
some few words to the Companie, laying just blame upon 
them, for their haughtie vanities and sluggish idlenesse, 
earnestly intreating them to amend those desperate follies 
lest hee should be compelled to draw the sword of Justice 
and to cut off such delinquents, which he had rather draw 

* From being set on fire at their embarkation. 



1610J SxMlTH^S GENERALL HISTOKIE, BOOK IV. 299 

to the shedding of his vitall bloud, to protect them from 
injuries; heartning them with relation of that store hee had 
brought with him, constituting officers of all conditions, to 
rule over them, allotting every man his particular place, to 
watch vigilantly, and worke painfully. This Oration and 
direction being received with a generall applause, you might 
shortly behold the idle and restie diseases of a divided multi- 
tude, by the unitie and authoritie of this government to be 
substantially cured. Those that knew not the way to good- 
nesse before, but cherished singularitie and faction, can now 
chalke out the path of all respective dutie and service : every 
man endevoureth to outstrip other in diligence: the French 
preparing to plant the Vines, ^ the English labouring in the 
Woods and grounds; every man knoweth his charge, and 
dischargeth the same with alacritie. Neither let any man be 
discouraged, by the relation of their daily labour (as though 
the sap of their bodies should bee spent for other mens profit) 
the setled times of working, to effect all themselves, or as the 
iVdventurers need desire, required no more paines than from 
six of the clocke in the morning, untill ten, and from two in 
the afternoone, till foure; at both which times they are pro- 
vided of spirituall and corporall relief e. First, they enter into 
the Church, and make their praiers unto God; next they re- 
tume to their houses and receive their proportion of food. 
Nor should it bee conceived that this businesse excludeth 
Gentlemen, whose breeding never knew what a daies labour 
meant: for though they cannot digge, use the Spade, nor 
practice the Axe, yet may the staied spirits of any condition, 
finde how to imploy the force of knowledge, the exercise of 
counsell, the operation and power of their best breeding and 
qualities. The houses which are built, are as warme and 
defensive against wind and weather, as if they were tiled and 
slated, being covered above with strong boards, and some 
matted round with Indian mats. Our forces are now such as 
are able to tame the furie and trecherie of the Salvages : Our 

* This was the first attempt at cultivating grapes in Virginia. 



300 NAKRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1610 

Forts assure the Inhabitants, and frustrate all assaylants. 
And to leave no discouragement in the heart of any, who 
personally shall enter into this great action, I will communicate 
a double comfort; first, Sir George Sommers, that worthy 
Admirall hath undertaken a dangerous adventure for the 
good of the Colonie. 

Upon the 15. of June, accompanied with Captaine Samuel 
Argall, hee returned in two Pinaces unto the Bermudas, 
promising (if by any meanes God will open a way to that Hand 
of Rocks) that he would soone returne with six moneths pro- 
vision of flesh; with much crosse weather at last hee there 
safely arrived, but Captaine Argall was forced backe againe 
to James towne: whom the Lord De la Ware not long after 
sent to the River of Patawomeke, to trade for Corne; where 
finding an English boy, one Henry Spilman,^ a young Gentle- 
man well descended, by those people preserved from the furie 
of Powhatan, by his acquaintance had such good usage of 
those kinde Salvages, that they fraughted his ship with Corne, 
wherewith he returned to James towne. 

The other comfort is, that the Lord la Ware hath built 
two new Forts, the one called Fort Henry, the other Fort 
Charles, in honour of our most noble Prince, and his hopefull 
brother, upon a pleasant plaine, and neare a little Rivilet they 
call Southampton River; they stand in a wholsome aire, 
having plentie of Springs of sweet water, they command a 
great circuit of ground, containing Wood, Pasture and Marsh, 
with apt places for Vines, Corne and Gardens ; in which Forts 
it is resolved, that all those that come out of England, shall be 
at their first landing quartered, that the wearisomnesse of the 
Sea may bee refreshed in this pleasing part of the Countrie. 
And Sir Thomas Gates hee sent for England.^ But to correct 
some injuries of the Paspahegs, he sent Captaine Pearcie, 
Master Stacy, and fiftie or threescore shot : where the Salvages 
flying, they burnt their houses, tooke the Queene and her 
children prisoners, whom not long after they slew. 

' See p. 202, note 4, ante. ^ On July 15, 1610. 



1611] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 301 

The fertilitie of the soile, the temperature of the climate, 
the forme of government, the condition of our people, their 
daily invocating of the Name of God being thus expressed; 
why should the successe, by the rules of mortall judgement, 
bee disparaged? why should not the rich harvest of our 
hopes be seasonably expected? I dare say, that the resolu- 
tion of Caesar in France, the designes of Alexander, the dis- 
coveries of Hernando Cortes in the West, and of Emanuel 
King of Portugal in the East, were not encouraged upon so 
firme grounds of state and possibilitie. 

But his Lordship being at the fal[l]es, the Salvages assaulted 
his troopes and slew three or foure of his men. Not long after, 
his Honour growing very sicke, he returned for England the 
28. of March ; in the ship were about five and fiftie men, but 
ere we arrived at Fyall, fortie of us were neare sicke to death, 
of the Scurvie, Callenture, and other diseases : the Governour, 
being an English-man, kindly used us, but small reliefe we could 
get but Oranges, of which we had plenty ; whereby within eight 
dales wee recovered, and all were well and strong by that ^ they 
came into England. 

Written by William Box. 

The Counsell of Virginia finding the smalnesse of that re- 
turne which they hoped should have defrayed the charge of 
a new supply, entred into a deep consultation, whether it 
were fit to enter into a new Contribution, or in time to send 
for them home and give over the action, and therefore they 
adjured Sir Thomas Gates to deale plainly with them, who 
with a solemne and a sacred oath replyed. That all things 
before reported were true: and that all men know that wee 
stand at the devotion of politicke Princes and States, who for 
their proper utilitie, devise all courses to grind our Merchants, 
and by all pretences to confiscate their goods, and to draw 
from us all manner of gaine by their inquisitive inven- 
tions; when in Virginia, a few yeeres labour by planting 

* By the time. 



302 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1611 

and husbandry, will furnish all our defects with honour 
and securitie. 

Out of a Declaration published by the Counsell, 1610.^ 

The government surrendered to Sir Thomas Dale, who arrived in 
Virginia the tenth of May, 1611, out of Master Hamors ^ 
Booke. 

Before the Lord la Ware arrived in England, the Councell 
and Companie had dispatched away Sir Thomas Dale with 
three ships, men, and cattell, and all other provisions neces- 
sarie for a yeere ; all which arrived well the tenth of May 1611 : 
where he found them growing againe to their former estate 
of penurie, being so improvident as not to put Corne in the 
ground for their bread; but trusted to the store, then fur- 
nished but with three moneths provision.^ His first care there- 
fore was to imploy all hands about setting of Corne, at the two 
Forts at Kecoughtan, Henry and Charles ; whereby, the season 
then not fully past, though about the end of May, wee had an 
indifferent crop of good Corne. 

This businesse taken order for, and the care and trust 
of it committed to his under-Ofiicers, to James towne he 
hastened, where most of the companie were at their daily 
and usuall works, bowling in the streets : ^ these hee imployed 

* A True Declaration of the Estate of the Colony of Virginia (London, 
1610), pp. 21-23. That tract is reprinted in Force's Historical Tracts, Vol. 
III. Next, Smith prints an abridgment of Delaware's Relation (1611). It 
is here omitted, that tract having been printed entire on p. 205-214, above. 

^ Ralph Hamor was recorder or secretary of state 1611 to 1614, and his 
narrative, A True Discourse of the Present Estate of Virginia (London, 1615), 
praises the administration of which he was part, at the expense of the colony. 
The abstract of it continues from this point to p. 316, except for the two in- 
terpolations noted in subsequent foot-notes. But the order followed is not 
precisely Hamor's. It is: pp. 26-33, 4-18, 37-46 of Hamor's tract. 

^ More than half the emigrants died during Delaware's stay in the colony, 
and the rest were probably too weak to do anything. 

* Dale arrived at Jamestown, Sunday, May 19, and found some who were 
well enough bowling in the street — one of the usual pastimes thought in 
England proper for the day. His report on the state of affairs he found in 



1611] SMITH'S GENEEALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 303 

about necessarie workes, as felling of Timber, repayring their 
houses ready to fall on their heads, and providing pales, posts 
and railes, to impale his purposed new towne, which by reason 
of his ignorance, being but newly arrived, hee had not resolved 
where to seat. Therefore to better his knowledge, with one 
hundred men he spent some time in viewing the River of 
Nansamund, in despight of the Indians then our enemies; 
then our owne River to the Fal[l]es, where upon a high land, 
environed with the maine River, some twelve miles from the 
Fal[l]es, by Arsahattock, he resolved to plant his new towne. 
It was no small trouble to reduce his people so timely to 
good order, being of so ill a condition, as may well witnesse 
his severitie and strict imprinted booke of Articles, then need- 
full with all extremitie to be executed ; now much mitigated : 
so as if his Lawes had not beenc so strictly executed, I see not 
how the utter subversion of the Colonic should have beene 
prevented, witnesse Webbes and Prices designe the first yeere, 
since that of Abbots and others, more dangerous than the 
former.^ Here I entreat your patience for an Apologie, though 
not a pardon. This Jeffrey Abbots, how ever this iVuthor 
censures him, and the Governor executes him; I know he 
had long served both in Ireland and Netherlands. Here 
hee was a Sargeant of my Companie, and I never saw in 
Virginia a more sufficient Souldier, lesse turbulent, a better 
wit, more hardy or industrious, nor any more forward to cut 
off them that sought to abandon the Countrie, or wrong the 
Colonic; how ingratefully those deserts might bee rewarded, 
envied or neglected, or liis farre inferiors preferred to over-top 
him, I know not: but such occasions might move a Saint, 
much more a man, to an unadvised passionate impatience, but 
how ever, it seemes he hath beene punished for his offences, 
that was never rewarded for his deserts. And even this Sum- 
Virginia at his arrival, written May 26, may be s^en in Brown's Genesis of 
the United States, pp. 488-494. 

* This is a disingenuous perversion of cause and effect. Dale's tyranny 
forced the men to run away, and afterwards, like other tyrants, he justified 
his harsh rule by its natural consequences. The remarks which follow, down 
to the mention of Cole's and Kitchins's plot, are Smith's, not Hamor's. 



304 NAKEATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1611 

mer Cole and Kitchins plot ^ with three more, bending their 
course to Ocanahowan, five dales journey from us, where they 
report are Spaniards inhabiting. These were cut off by the 
Salvages, hired by us to hunt them home to receive their 
deserts. So as Sir Thomas Dale hath not beene so tyrannous 
nor severe by the halfe, as there was occasion, and just cause 
for it ; and though the manner was not usuall, wee were rather 
to have regard to those, whom we would have terrified and 
made fearef uU to commit the Hke offences, than to the offenders 
justly condemned : for amongst them so hardned in evill, the 
feare of a cruell painfull and unusuall death more restraines 
them, than death it selfe. This much I have proceeded of his 
endevours, untill the comming of Sir Thomas Gates, in pre- 
paring himselfe to proceed as he intended. 

Now in England againe, to second this noble Knight, 
the Counsell and Companie with all possible expedition pre- 
pared for Sir Thomas Gates six tall ships, with three hundred 
men, and one hundred Kine and other Cattell, with munition 
and all other manner of provision that could be thought need- 
full; and about the first or second of August, 1611. arrived 
safely at James towne. 

The government returned againe to Sir Thomas Gates, 1611, 

These worthy Knights being met, after their welcoming 
salutations. Sir Thomas Dale acquainted him what he had 
done, and what he intended : which designe Sir Thomas Gates 
well approving, furnished him with three hundred and fiftie 
men, such as himselfe made choice of. In the beginning of 
September, 1611. hee set saile, and arrived where hee intended 
to build his new towne: within ten or twelve dales he had 
invironed it with a pale, and in honour of our noble Prince 

^ Edward Cole, Kitchins, and others had been acting as the guard to 
Mohna, a Spanish spy, and were persuaded by him to attempt to reach the 
Spanish settlements in Florida ; and, it being now a time of peace, they had 
travelled '' some five days' journey to Ocanahoen," when they were ''cut 
off" by the Indians, and brought back to Jamestown, where they were tried 
and six of them condemned and executed. Brown, First Republic, pp. 158, 211. 



1611] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 305 

Henry, called it Henrico. The next worke he did, was build- 
ing at each corner of the Towne a high commanding Watch- 
house, a Church, and Store-houses : which finished, hee began 
to thinke upon convenient houses for himselfe and men, which, 
with all possible speed hee could, he effected, to the great 
content of his companie, and all the Colonic. 

This towne is situated upon a necke of a plaine rising 
land, three parts invironed with the maine River, the necke 
of land well impaled, makes it Hke an He ; it hath three streets 
of well framed houses, a handsome Church, and the founda- 
tion of a better laid (to bee built of Bricke), besides Store- 
houses, Watch-houses, and such hke. Upon the verge of the 
River there are five houses, wherein live the honester sort of 
people, as Farmers in England,^ and they keepe continuall 
centinell for the townes securitie. About two miles from the 
towne, into the Maine, is another pale, neere two miles in length, 
from River to River, guarded with severall Commanders, with a 
good quantitie of Corne-ground impailed, suflSciently secured to 
maintaine more than I suppose will come this three yeeres. 

On the other side of the River, for the securitie of the towne, 
is intended to be impaled for the securitie of our Hogs, about 
two miles and a halfe, by the name of Hope in Faith, and Cox- 
endale, secured by five of our manner of Forts, which are but 
PaHsadoes, called Charitie Fort, Mount Malado (a guest house 
for sicke people) a high seat and wholsome aire, Ehsabeth Fort, 
and Fort Patience : And here hath Master Whitaker ^ chosen 
his Parsonage, impaled a faire framed Parsonage, and one hun- 
dred acres called Rocke hall, but these are not halfe finished. 

About Christmas following, in this same yeere 1611. in 
regard of the injurie done us by them of Apamatuck, Sir 
Thomas Dale, without the losse of any, except some few 
Salvages, tooke it and their Corne, being but five miles by 
land from Henrico : and considering how commodious it 
might be for us, resolved to possesse and plant it, and at the 

* Hamor says, " as in Farmes in England.'' 

' Alexander Whitaker, son of William Whitaker, a celebrated Puritan 
divine. He was minister in Virginia from 1611 to his death in 1617. 



306 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1612 

instant called it the new Bermudas ; whereunto hee hath laid 
out and annexed to the belonging freedome and corporation 
for ever, many miles of Champian ^ and Woodland ground in 
severall hundreds, as the upper and nether hundreds, Roch- 
dale hundred, West Sherly hundred, and Digs his hundred. 
In the nether hundred he first began to plant, for there is the 
most Corne-ground, and with a pale of two miles, cut over 
from River to River, whereby we have secured eight Enghsh 
miles in compasse : upon which circuit, within halfe a mile of 
each other, are many faire houses already built ; besides par- 
ticular mens houses neere to the number of fiftie. Rochdale, 
by a crosse pale welnigh foure miles long, is also planted with 
houses along the pale, in which hundred our Hogs and Cattell 
have twentie miles circuit to graze in securely. The building 
of the Citie ^ is referred till our harvest be in, which he in- 
tends to make a retreat against any forraigne enemie. 

About fiftie miles from these is James towne, upon a fertill 
peninsula, which although formerly scandaled for an unhealth- 
full aire, wee finde it as healthfuU as any other part of the 
Countrie ; it hath two rowes of houses of framed timber, and 
some of them two stories and a garret higher, three large 
Store-houses joined together in length, and hee hath newly 
strongly impaled the towne. This He, and much ground about it, 
is much inhabited. To Kecoughtan we accounted it fortie miles, 
where the}^ live well with halfe that allowance the rest have from 
the store, because of the extraordinarie quantitie of Fish, Fowle 
and Deere ; as you may reade at large in the Discoveries of Cap- 
taine Smith. And thus I have truly related unto you the present 
estate of that small part of Virginia wee frequent and possesse. 

Since there was a ship fraughted with provision,^ and fortie 
men; and another since then with the Uke number and pro- 

* Champaign, open lands. 

' Bermuda City, subsequenth' Charles City, and now City Point, at the 
east of the mouth of the Appomattox River, across from Bermuda Hundred. 

^ At this point the margin, under date 1612, notes, "Sir Thomas Smith, 
Treasurer," or head of the company, as he had been since the grant of the 
first charter in 1606. The third charter was granted in March, 1612. 



1613] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTOEIE, BOOK I\\ 307 

vision, to stay twelve moneths in the Countrie, with Captaine 
Argall, which was sent not long after. After hee had recreated 
and refreshed his Companie, hee was sent to the River Patawo- 
meake, to trade for Corne : the Salvages about us having small 
quarter, but friends and foes as they found advantage and oppor- 
tunitio. But to conclude our peace, thus it happened. Captaine 
Argall, having entred into a great acquaintance with Japazaws, 
an old friend of Captaine Smiths, and so to all our Nation, ever 
since hee discovered the Countrie, heard by him there was Poca- 
hontas, whom Captaine Smiths Relations intituleth the Num- 
parell ^ of Virginia, and though she had beene many times a 
preserver of iiim and the whole Colonic, yet till this accident 
shee was never scene at James towne since his departure.^ 
Being at Patawomeke, as it seemes, thinking her selfe un- 
knowne, was easily by her friend Japazaws perswaded to goe 
abroad with him and his wife to see the ship: for Captaine 
Argall had promised him a Copper Kettle to bring her but to 
him, promising no way to hurt her, but keepe her till they could 
conclude a peace with her father ; the Salvage for this Copper 
Kettle would have done any thing, it seemed by the Relation. 
For though she had scene and beene in many ships, yet hee 
caused his wife to faine how desirous she was to see one, that 
hee offered to beat her for her importunitie, till she wept. 
But at last he told her, if Pocahontas would goe with her, hee 
was content: and thus they betraied the poore innocent 
Pocahontas aboord, where they were all kindly feasted in the 
Cabbin. Japazaws treading oft on the Captaines foot, to 
remember he had done his part; the Captaine w^hen he saw 
his time, perswaded Pocahontas to the Gun-roome, faining to 
have some conference with Japazaws, which was onely that 
she should not perceive hee was any way guiltie of her cap- 
tivitie: so sending for her againe, hee told her before her 
friends, she must goe with him, and compound peace betwixt 
her Countrie and us, before she ever should see Powhatan; 
whereat the old Jew and his wife began to howle and crie as 

* Nonpareil. See pp. 69, 199, above. ' In the autumn of 1609. 



308 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1613 

fast as Pocahontas, that upon the Captaines faire perswasions, 
by degrees pacifying her selfe, and Japazaws and his wife, 
with the Kettle and other toies, went merrily on shore ; and 
shee to James towne. A messenger forthwith was sent to her 
father, that his daughter Pocahontas he loved so dearely, he 
must ransome with our men, swords, peeces, tooles, &c. hee 
trecherously had stolne. 

This unwelcome newes much troubled Powhatan, because 
hee loved both his daughter and our commodities well, yet 
it was three moneths after ^ ere hee returned us any answer : 
then by the perswasion of the Councell, he returned seven of 
our men, with each of them an unserviceable Musket, and 
sent us word, that when wee would dehver his daughter, hee 
would make us satisfaction for all injuries done us, and give 
us five hundred bushels of Corne, and for ever be friends with 
us. That he sent, we received in part of payment, and re- 
turned him this answer: That his daughter should be well 
used; but we could not beleeve the rest of our armes were 
either lost or stolne from him, and therefore till hee sent them, 
we would keepe his daughter. 

This answer, it seemed, much displeased him, for we heard 
no more from him for a longtime after : when with Captaine 
Argals ship, and some other vessels belonging to the Colonie; 
Sir Thomas Dale, with a hundred and fiftie men well appointed, 
went up into his owne River,^ to his chiefe habitation, with his 
daughter. With many scornfull bravado's they affronted us, 
proudly demanding Why wee came thither; our reply was. 
Wee had brought his daughter, and to receive the ransome for 
her that was promised, or to have it perforce. They nothing 
dismayed thereat, told us. We were welcome if wee came to 
fight, for they were provided for us: but advised us, if wee 
loved our lives to retire ; else they would use us as they had 
done Captaine Ratcliffe : We told them. Wee would presently 
have a better answer; but we were no sooner within shot of 
the shore than they let flie their Arrowes among us in the ship. 

» July, 1613. » York River. 



1613] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 309 

Being thus justly provoked, wee presently manned our 
Boats, went on shore, burned all their houses, and spoiled 
all they had we could finde; and so the next day proceeded 
higher up the River, where they demanded Why wee burnt 
their houses, and wee, Why they shot at us: They replyed, 
it was some stragling Salvage, with many other excuses, they 
intended no hurt, but were our friends : We told them, Wee 
came not to hurt them, but visit them as friends also. Upon 
this we concluded a peace, and forthwith they dispatched 
messengers to Powhatan; whose answer, they told us, wee 
must expect foure and twentie houres ere the messengers could 
returne: Then they told us, our men were runne away for 
feare we would hang them, yet Powhatans men were runne 
after them; as for our Swords and Peeces, they should be 
brought us the next day, which was only but to delay time; 
for the next day they came not. Then we went higher, to a 
house of Powhatans, called Matchot,^ where we saw about foure 
hundred men well appointed ; here they dared us to come on 
shore, which wee did ; no shew of feare they made at all, nor 
offered to resist our landing, but walking boldly up and downe 
amongst us, demanded to conferre with our Captaine, of his 
comming in that manner, and to have truce till they could but 
once more send to their King to know his pleasure, which if it 
were not agreeable to their expectation, then they would fight 
with us, and defend their owne as they could. Which was but 
onely to deferre the time, to carrie away their provision ; yet 
wee promised them truce till the next day at noone, and then 
if they would fight with us, they should know when we would 
begin by our Drums and Trumpets. 

Upon this promise, two of Powhatans sonnes came unto 
us to see their sister : at whose sight, seeing her well, though 
they heard to the contrarie, they much rejoiced, promising 
they would perswade her father to redeeme her, and for ever 
be friends with us. And upon this, the two brethren went 

* Matchot was an Indian village situated according to Smith's map on 
the south side of the Pamunkey River, but from the description in Hamor's 
Trite Discourse, it appears to have been on the north side. 



310 ^AUKATIVES OF EAKLY VIRGINIA l'I^H 

aboord with us ; and we sent Master John Rolfe and Master 
Sparkes to Powhatan, to acquaint him with the businesse: 
kindly they were entertained, but not admitted the presence 
of Powhatan, but they spoke with Opechancanough, his brother 
and successor ; hee promised to doe the best he could to Pow- 
hatan, all might be well. So it being Aprill, and time to pre- 
pare our ground and set our Corne, we returned to James 
Towne, promising the forbearance of their performing their 
promise, till the next harvest. 

Long before this. Master John Rolfe, an honest Gentleman, 
and of good behaviour, had beene in love with Pocahontas, 
and she with him : which thing at that instant I made knowne 
to Sir Thomas Dale by a letter from him, wherein hee intreated 
his advice, and she acquainted her brother with it, which reso- 
lution Sir Thomas Dale well approved : the bru[i]te of this 
mariage came soone to the knowledge of Powhatan, a thing 
acceptable to him, as appeared by liis sudden consent, for 
within ten dales he sent Opachisco, an old Uncle of hers, and 
two of his sons, to see the manner of the mariage, and to doe in 
that behalfe what they were requested, for the confirmation 
thereof, as his deputie; which vras accordingly done about 
the first of Aprill.^ And ever since wee have had friendly 
trade and commerce, as well with Powhatan himselfe, as all 
his subjects. 

Besides this, by the meanes of Powhatan, we became in 
league with our next neighbours, the Chicahamanias, a lustie 
and a daring people, free of themselves. These people, so soone 
as they heard of o[u]r peace with Powhatan, sent two mes- 
sengers with presents to Sir Thomas Dale, and offered them 
his ^ service, excusing all former injuries, hereafter they would 
ever be King James his subjects, and rehnquish the name of 
Chickahamania, to be called Tassautessus, as they call us; 
and Sir Thomas Dale there Governour, as the Kings Deputie ; 
onely they desired to be governed by their owne Lawes, which 

^ More correctly, "about the fifth of April" (1614). See Rolfe 's letter 
on pp. 235-244, above. 

' Offered him their service. 



1614J SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 311 

is eight of their Elders as his substitutes. This offer he kindly 
accepted, and appointed the day hee would come to visit 
them. 

When the appointed day came, Sir Thomas Dale and Cap- 
taine Argall with fiftie men well appointed, went to Chicka- 
hamania, where wee found the people expecting our comming ; 
they used us kindly, and the next morning sate in counsell, ' 
to conclude their peace upon these conditions: 

First, they should for ever bee called EngHshmen, and bee 
true subjects to King James and his Deputies. 

Secondly, neither to kill nor detaine any of our men, nor 
cattell, but bring them home. 

Thirdly, to bee alwaies ready to furnish us with three hun- 
dred men, against the Spaniards or any. 

Fourthly, they shall not enter our townes, but send word 
they are new EngHshmen. 

Fiftly, that every fighting man, at the beginning of harvest, 
shall bring to our store two bushels of Corne, for tribute, for 
which they shall receive so many Hatchets. 

Lastly, the eight chiefe men should see all this performed, or 
receive the punishment themselves: for their diligence they 
should have a red coat, a copper chaine, and King James his 
picture, and be accounted his Noblemen. 

All this they concluded with a generall assent, and a great 
ghout to confirme it : then one of the old men began an Ora- 
tion, bending his speech first to the old men, then to the young, 
and then to the women and children, to make them understand 
how strictly they were to observe these conditions, and we 
would defend them from the furie of Powhatan, or any enemie 
whatsoever, and furnish them with Copper, Beads, and Hatcli- 
ets : but all this was rather for feare Powhatan and we, being 
so hnked together, would bring them againe to his subjection ; 
the which to prevent, they did rather chuse to be protected 
by us, than tormented by him, whom they held a Tyrant. 
And thus wee returned againe to James towne. 

'When our people were fed out of the common store, and 
laboured jointly together, glad was he could slip from his 



312 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1614 

labour, or slumber over his taske he cared not how, nay, 
the most honest among them would hardly take so much 
true paines in a weeke, as now for themselves they will doe in 
a day: neither cared they for the increase, presuming that 
howsoever the harvest prospered, the generall store must 
maintaine them, so that wee reaped not so much Corne from 
the labours of thirtie, as now three or foure doe provide for 
themselves. To prevent which, Sir Thomas Dale hath allotted 
every man three Acres of cleare ground, in the nature of 
Farmes, except the Bermudas : ^ who are exempted, but for 
one moneths service in the veere, which must neither bee in 
seed-time, nor harvest; for which doing, no other dutie they 
pay yeerely to the store, but two barrels and a halfe of Corne.^ 
From all those Farmers (whereof the first was WilUam Spence, 
an honest, vahant, and an industrious man, and hath con- 
tinued from 1607. to this present) from those is expected such 
a contribution to the store, as wee shall neither want for our 
selves, nor to entertaine our supplies ; for the rest, they are to 
worke eleven moneths for the store, and hath one moneth onely 
allowed them to get provision to keepe them for twelve, ex- 
cept two bushels of Corne they have out of the store. If those 
can live so, why should any feare starving; and it were 
much better to denie them passage that would not, ere 
they come, bee content to ingage themselves to those 
conditions : for onely from the slothfull and idle drones, and 
none else, hath sprung the manifold imputations, Virginia 
innocently hath undergone; and therefore I would deter 
such from comming here, that cannot well brooke labour, 
except they will undergoe much punishment and penurie, 
if they escape the skurvie : but for the industrious, there is 
reward sufficient, and if any thinke there is nothing but 
bread, I referre you to his ^ relations that discovered the 
Countrie first. 

* Bermuda Hundred and Bermuda City at the mouth of the Appomat- 
tox River, or Upper and Nether Bermuda Hundreds. 

^ The remamder of this paragraph is not derived from Hamor. 
3 Smith's. 



1614] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 313 

The government left to Sir Thomas Dale, upon Sir Thomas 

Gates returne for England, 

Sir Thomas Dale understanding there was a plantation of 
Frenchmen in the north part of Virginia, about the degrees of 
45. sent Captaine iVrgall to Port Royall and Sancta Crux; 
where finding the Frenchmen abroad dispersed in the Woods, 
surprized their Ship and Pinnace, which w^as but newly come 
from France, wherein was much good apparel and other pro- 
vision, which he brought to James towne : but the men es- 
caped, and lived among the Salvages of those Countries. 

It pleased Sir Thomas Dale, before my returne to Eng- 
land, because I would be able to speake somewhat of my 
owne knowledge, to give mee leave to visit Powhatan and his 
Court: being provided, I had Thomas Salvage with mee, for 
my Interpreter ; with him and two Salvages for guides, I went 
from the Bermuda in the morning, and came to Matchot the 
next night, where the King lay upon the River of Pamaunke. 
His entertainment was strange to me, the boy he knew well, 
and told him; My child, I gave you leave, being my boy, to 
goe see your friends, and these foure yeeres ^ I have not scene 
you, nor heard of my owne man Namontack I sent to England,^ 
though many ships since have beene returned thence. Hav- 
ing done with him, liee began with mee, and demanded for 
the chaine of pearle he sent his brother Sir Thomas Dale at his 
first arrivall, which was a token betwixt them, when ever hee 
should send a messenger from himselfe to him, he should weare 
that chaine about his necke, since the peace was concluded, 
otherwaies he was to binde him and send him home. 

It is true Sir Thomas Dale had sent him such word, and 
gave his Page order to give it me, but he forgot it, and till this 
present I never heard of it, yet I replyed I did know there was 
such an order, but that was when upon a sudden he should 

» 1610-1614. 

' Namontack, who was slain by another Indian, Matchumps, in the 
Bermuda Islands, when shipwrecked with Gates, in 1609. 



314 NAKPvATIVES OF EAKLY VIKGINIA [1614 

have occasion to send an Englishman without an Indian 
Guide; but if his owne people should conduct his messenger, 
as two of his did me who knew my message, it was sufficient ; 
with which answer he was contented, and so conducted us 
to his house, where was a guard of two hundred Bow-men 
that alwaies attend his person. The first thing he did, he 
offered me a pipe of Tobacco, then asked mee how his brother 
Sir Thomas Dale did, and his daughter, and unknowne sonne, 
and how they lived, loved and Hked; I told him his brother 
was well, and his daughter so contented, she would not live 
againe with him; whereat he laughed, and demanded the 
cause of my comming: I told him my message was private, 
and I was to dehver it onely to himselfe and Papaschicher, one 
of my guides that was acquainted with it ; instantly he com- 
manded all out of the house, but onely his two Queenes, that 
alwaies sit by him, and bade me speake on. 

I told him, by my Interpreter, Sir Thomas Dale hath sent 
you two pieces of Copper, five strings of white and blue Beads, 
five woodden Combes, ten Fish-hookes, a paire of Ivuives, and 
that when you would send for it, hee w^ould give you a Grind- 
stone ; all this pleased him : but then I told him his brother 
Dale, hearing of the fame of his youngest daughter, desiring 
in any case he would send her by me unto him, in testimonie 
of his love, as well for that he intended to marry ^ her, as the 
desire her sister had to see her, because being now one people, 
and hee desirous for ever to dwell in his Countrie, he conceived 
there could not be a truer assurance of peace and friendship, 
than in such a naturall band of an united union. I needed not 
entreat his answer by his oft interrupting mee in my speech, 
and presently with much gravitie he thus reply ed. 

I gladly accept your salute of love and peace, which while 
I five, I shall exactly keepe ; his pledges thereof I receive with 
no lesse thanks, although they are not so ample as formerly 
he had received : but for my daughter, I have sold her within 

* A curious proposal of Dale's, as he had a wife and several children living 
in England. 



1614] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 315 

this few dales to a great Werowance, for two bushels of Raw- 
renoke/ three dales journle from me. I replyed, I knew his 
greatnesse in restoring the Rawrenoke, might call her againe 
to gratifie his brother, and the rather, because she was but 
twelve yeeres old, assuring him, besides the band of peace, hee 
should have for her, three times the worth of the Rawrenoke, 
in Beads, Copper, Hatchets, &c. His answer was, he loved 
his daughter as his Hfe, and though hee had many children, 
hee delighted In none so much as shee, whom if he should not 
often behold, he could not possibly Hve, which she living with 
us he could not do, having resolved upon no termes to put 
himselfe into our hands, or come amongst us ; therefore desired 
me to urge him no further, but returne his brother this answer : 
That I desire no firmer assurance of his friendship than the 
promise hee hath made, from me he hath a pledge, one of my 
daughters, which so long as she lives shall be sufficient, when 
she dies, he shall have another : I hold it not a brotherly part 
to desire to bereave me of my two children at once. Farther, 
tell him though he had no pledge at all, hee need not distrust 
any Injurle from me or my people ; there have beene too many 
of his men and mine slaine, and by my occasion there shall 
never be more, (I which have power to performe it, have said 
it) although I should have just cause, for I am now old, and 
would gladly end my dales in peace; if you offer me Injurle, 
my countrle is large enough to goe from you: Thus much I 
hope will satlsfie my brother. Now because you are wearle, 
and I sleepie, wee will thus end. So commanding us vlctuall and 
lodging, we rested that night, and the next morning he came to 
visit us, and kindly conducted us to the best cheere hee had. 
While I here remained, by chance came an Englishman, 
whom there had beene surprized three yeeres agoe ^ at Fort 
Henry, growne so Hke, both in complexion and habit Hke a 
Salvage, I knew him not, but by his tongue : hee desired mee 
to procure his llbertle, which I intended, and so farre urged 
Powhatan, that he grew discontented, and told mee. You have 

* Roanoke shells. ^1611. The margin reads, "William Parker recovered/ 



316 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1614 

one of my daughters, and I am content : but you cannot see one 
of your men with mee, but you must have him away, or breake 
friendship ; if you must needs have him, you shall goe home 
without guides, and if any evill befall you, thanke your selves. 
I told him I would, but if I returned not well, hee must 
expect a revenge; and his brother might have just cause to 
suspect him. So in passion he left me till supper, and then 
gave me such as hee had with a cheerefull countenance : About 
midnight he awaked us, and promised in the morning my 
returne with Parker ; but I must remember his brother to send 
him ten great pieces of Copper, a Shaving-knife, a Frowe,* a 
Grind-stone, a Net, Fish-hookes, and such toies; which lest I 
should forget, he caused me write in a table-booke he had; 
how ever he got it, it was a faire one, I desired hee would give 
it me; he told me, no, it did him much good in shewing to 
strangers, yet in the morning when we departed, having fur- 
nished us well with provision, he gave each of us a Bucks skin 
as well dressed as could be, and sent two more to his sonne and 
daughter: And so we returned to James towne. 

Written by Master Ralph Hamor and John Rolph. 

I have read the substance of this relation, in a Letter writ- 
ten by Sir Thomas Dale, another by Master Whitaker, and a 
third by Master John Rolfe ; how caref ull they were to instruct 
her in Christianity, and how capable and desirous shee was 
thereof, after she had beene some time thus tutored, shee never 
had desire to goe to her father, nor could well endure the 
society of her owne nation: the true affection she constantly 
bare her husband was much, and the strange apparitions and 
violent passions he endured for her love, as he deeply protested, 
was wonderful, and she openl}^ renounced her countries idola- 
try, confessed the faith of Christ, and was baptized. But either 
the coldnesse of the adventurers, or the bad usage of that was 
collected, or both, caused this worthy Knight^ to write thus. 

^ A wedge-shaped tool for splitting rails or staves. 
' Sir Thomas Dale. What follows is an abridgment of his letter printed 
in Hamor, pp. 51-59. 



1614] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 317 

Oh why should so many Princes and Noblemen ingage them- 
selves, and thereby intermedling herein, have caused a number of 
soules transport themselves, and be transported hither? Why 
should they, I say, relinquish this so glorious an action : for if their 
ends be to build God a Church, they ought to persevere; if other- 
wise, yet their honour ingageth them to be constant; howsoever 
they stand affected, here is enough to content them. These are 
the things have animated me to stay a little season from them, I 
am bound in conscience to returne unto; leaving all contenting 
pleasures and mundall delights, to reside here with much turmoile, 
which I will rather doe than see Gods glory diminished, my King 
and Country dishonoured, and these poore soules I have in charge 
revived, which would quickly happen if I should leave them; so 
few I have with me fit to command or manage the businesse. 

Master Whitaker their Preacher complaineth, and much 

museth, that so few of our EngUsh Ministers, that were so hot 

against the surplice and subscription come hether, where 

neither is spoken of. Doe they not wilfully hide their talents, 

or keepe themselves at home, for feare of losing a few pleasures ; 

be there not any among them of Moses his minde, and of the 

Apostles, that forsooke all to follow Christ, but I refer them to 

the Judge of all hearts, and to the King that shall reward every 

one according to his talent. 

From Virginia, June 18. 1614.^ 

The businesse being brought to this perfection, Captaine 
Argall returned for England, in the latter end of June, 1614. 
ariving in England, and bringing this good tidings to the 
Councell and company by the assistances of Sir Thomas Gates, 
that also had returned from Virginia but the March before; 
it was presently concluded, that to supply this good successe 
with all expedition, the standing Lottery should be drawne 
with all diligent conveniency, and that posterity may remem- 
ber upon occasion to use the like according to the declaration, 
I thinke it not amisse to remember thus much. 

*This is from Rev. Alexander Whitaker's letter printed in Hamor, 
pp. 59-61. 



318 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1614 

The Contents of the declaration of the Lottery published by the 

CounselV 

It is apparent to the world, by how many former Proclama- 
tions, we manifested our intents, to have drawn out the great 
standing Lottery long before tliis, which not falHng out as we 
desired, and others expected whose monies are adventured 
therein, we thought good therefore for the avoiding all unjust 
and sinister constructions, to resolve the doubts of all indifferent 
minded, in three speciall points for their better satisfaction. 

But ere I goe any farther, let us remember there was a 
running Lottery used a long time in Saint Pauls Churchyard, 
where this stood, that brought into the Treasury good summes 
of mony dayly, though the Lot was but small. 

Now for the points, the first is, for as much as the Ad- 
venturers came in so slackly for the yeere past, without preju- 
dice to the generahty; in losing the blankes and prises, we 
were forced to petition to the honourable Lords, who out of 
their noble care to further this Plantation, have recommended 
their Letsenters ^ to the Countries, Cities, and good townes in 
England, which we hope by adding in their voluntary Ad- 
venturers, will sufficiently supply us. 

The second for satisfaction to all honest well affected 
minds, is, that though this expectation answer not our hopes, 
yet wee have not failed in our Christian care, the good of that 
Colony, to whom we have lately sent two sundry suppHes, 
and were they but now suppHed with more hands, wee should 
soone resolve the division of the Country by Lot, and so lessen 
the generall charge. 

The third is our constant resolution, that seeing our credits 
are so farre ingaged to the honourable Lords and the whole 
State, for the drawing this great Lottery, which we intend shall 

* During Gates's governorship the prospects of the colony were much 
depressed by the mortaUtyof the cUmate ; and the cruelties perpetrated under 
the name of martial law deterred settlers from coming over. To raise money, 
resort was had to lotteries, but with poor results. 

' Perhaps this word means distributers of lottery tickets. 



1614J SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 



319 



be without delay, the 26. of June next, desiring all such as 
have undertaken with bookes to soUcit their friends, that they 
will not with-hold their monies till the last moneth be expired, 
lest we be unwilUngly forced to proportion a lesse value and 
number of our Blankes and Prises which hereafter foUoweth. 

Welcomes » 

Crownes. 
To him that first shall be drawne out with a blanke, 100 
To the second, 50 

To the third, 25 

To him that every day during the drawing of this 
Lottery, shall bee first drawne out with a blanke, 10 



Prizes. 



1 Great Prize of 

2 Great Prizes, each of 
4 Great Prizes, each of 
6 Great Prizes, each of 

10 Prizes, each oi 
20 Prizes, each oi 

100 Prizes, each oi 

200 Prizes, each ol 

400 Prizes, each oi 
1000 Prizes, each oi 
1000 Prizes, each oi 
1000 Prizes, each oi 
4000 Prizes, each oi 
1000 Prizes, each oi 
1000 Prizes, each oi 



Crownes. 

4500 

2000 

1000 

500 

300 

200 

100 

50 

20 

10 

8 

6 

4 

3 

2 



Rewards. 

Crownes. 
To him that shall be last drawne out with a blanke, 25 

To him that putteth in the greatest Lot, under one name, 400 
To him that putteth in the second greatest number, 300 



320 NAREATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [16U 

To him that putteth in the third greatest number, 200 

To him that putteth in the fourth greatest number, 100 

If divers be of equall number, their rewards are to be 
divided proportionally. 

Addition of new Rewards, 

Crownes. 

The blanke that shall bee drawne out next before the great 

Prize shall have 25 

The blanke that shall be drawne out next after the said 

great Prize 25 

The blancks that shall be drawne out immediatel}^ before 

the two next great Prizes, shall have each of them 20 

The severall blankes next after them, each shall have 20 

The severall blankes next before the foure great Prizes, 

each shall have 15 

The severall blankes next after them, each shall have 15 

The severall blankes next before the six great Prizes, each 

shall have 10 

The severall blankes next after them, each shall have 10 

The prizes, welcomes, and rewards, shall be payed in ready 
Mony, Plate, or other goods reasonably rated; if any dislike 
of the plate or goods, he shall have mony, abating only the 
tenth part, except in small prizes of ten Crownes or under. 

The mony for the Adventurers is to be paied to Sir Thomas 
Smith, Knight, and Treasurer for Virginia, or such Officers 
as he shall apoint in City or Country, under the common scale 
of the company for the receit thereof. 

All prizes, welcomes and rewards drawne where ever they 
dwell, shall of the Treasurer have present pay, and whosoever 
under one name or poesie ^ payeth three pound in ready money, 
shall receive six shiUings and eight pence, or a silver spoone 
of that value at his choice. 

About this time it chanced a Spanish ship, beat too and 
againe before point Comfort, and at last sent a shore their 

* " Posy " or motto used in place of an assumed name. 



1616] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 321 

boat, as desirous of a Pilot. Captaine James Davis the gov- 
ernor, immediately gave them one : but he was no sooner in 
the boat, but a way they went with him, leaving three of their 
companions behind them; this sudden accident occasioned 
some distrust, and a strict examination of those three thus 
left, yet with as good usage as our estate could afford them. 
They only confessed, having lost their Admirall, accident had 
forced them into those parts ; and two of them were Captaines, 
and in chiefe authority in the fleet : thus they lived till one of 
them was found to be an Englishman, and had been the Span- 
iards Pilot for England in 88.^ and having here induced some 
male-contents, to beleeve his projects, to run away with a 
small barke, which was apprehended, some executed, and he 
expecting but the Hangmans curtesie, directly confessed that 
two or three Spanish ships was at Sea, purposely to discover 
the estate of the Colony : but their Commission was not to be 
opened till they arrived in the Bay, so that of any thing more 
he was utterly ignorant. One of the Spaniards at last dyed ; 
the other was sent for England, but this reprieved, till Sir 
Thomas Dale hanged him at Sea in his voyage homeward : the 
English Pilot they carried for Spaine, whom after a long time 
imprisonment, with much sute^ was returned for England. 

Whilst those things were effecting, Sir Thomas Dale, having 
setled to his thinking all things in good order, made choice of 
one Master George Yearly, to be Deputy-Governour in his 
absence, and so returned for England; accompanied with 
Pocahontas the Kings Daughter, and Master Rolfe her hus- 
band: and arrived at Plimmoth the 12. of June. 1616. 

The government left to Captaine Yearly. 

Now a little to commentary upon all these proceedings, 
let me leave but this as a caveat by the way ; if the alteration 
of government hath subverted great Empires, how dangerous 

^ 1588, the year of the Spanish Armada. 

^ Suit, i.e., solicitation. For a better account of this episode, see the letter 
of Diego de Mohna, on pp. 215-224, above, and the many documents from 
the Spanish archives printed by BroA\Ti in his Genesis of the United States. 



322 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1616 

is it then in the infancy of a common-weale ? The multiplicity 
of Governors is a great damage to any State; but uncertaine 
daily changes are burdensome, because their entertainments are 
chargeable, and many will make hay whilst the sunne doth 
shine, how ever it shall faire with the generality. 

This deare bought Land with so much bloud and cost, 
hath onely made some few rich, and all the rest losers. But 
it was intended at the first, the first undertakers should be first 
preferred and rewarded, and the first adventurers satisfied, 
and they of all the rest are the most neglected ; and those that 
never adventured a groat, never see the Country, nor ever did 
any service for it, imploied in their places adorned with their 
deserts, and inriched with their mines: and when they are 
fed fat, then in commeth others so leane as they were, who 
through their omnipotenc}' doth as much. Thus what one 
Officer doth, another undoth, only ayming at their owne 
ends ; thinking all the world derides his dignity, [who] cannot 
fill his Coffers being in authority with any thing. Every man 
liath his minde free, but he can never be a true member to 
that estate, that to enrich himselfe beggers all the Countrie. 
Which bad course, there are many yet in this noble plantation, 
whose true honour and worth as much scornes it, as the others 
loves it; for the NobiUtie and Gentrie, there is scarce any of 
them expects any thing but the prosperitie of the action : and 
there are some Merchants and others, I am confidently per- 
swaded, doe take more care and paines, nay, and at their 
continuall great charge, than they could be hired to for the 
love of money; so honestly regarding the generall good of 
this great worke, they would hold it worse than sacrilege, to 
wrong it but a shiUing, or extort upon the common souldier a 
penny. But to the purpose, and to follow the Historic. 

Master George Yearly now invested Deputie Governour by 
Sir Thomas Dale, applied himselfe for the most part in plant- 
ing Tobacco, as the most present commoditie they could 
devise for a present gaine, so that every man betooke him- 
selfe to the best place he could for the purpose : now though 
Sir Thomas Dale had caused such an abundance of come to 



I6i6j SMITHES GE^'EKALL HISTOKiE, BOOK IV. 323 

be planted, that every man had sufficient, yet the suppUes * 
were sent us, came so unfurnished, as quickly eased us of our 
superfluitie. To reUeve their necessities, he sent to the 
Ctdckahamanias for the tribute Corne Sir Thomas Dale and 
Captaine Argall had conditioned for with them: But such a 
bad answer they returned him, that hee drew together one 
hundred of his best shot, with w^hom he went to Chickaha- 
mania ; the people in some places used him indifferent^, but 
in most places with much scorne and contempt, telHng him he 
was but Sir Thomas Dales man, and they had payed his Master 
according to condition, but to give any to him they had no 
such order, neither would they obey him as they had done 
his Master ; after he had told them his authoritie, and that he 
had the same power to enforce them that Dale had, they 
dared him to come on shore to fight, presuming more of his 
not daring, than their owne valours. Yearly seeing their 
insolencies, made no great difficultie to goe on shore at Ozinies, 
and they as Httle to incounter him : but marching from thence 
towards Mamanahunt, they put themselves in the same order 
they see us, lead by their Captaine Kissanacomen, Governour 
of Ozinies, and so marched close along by us, each as threat- 
ning other who should first begin. But that night we quartered 
against Mamanahunt, and they passed the River. The next 
day we followed them; there are few places in Virginia had 
then more plaine ground together, nor more plentie of Corne, 
which although it was but newly gathered, j^et they had hid 
it in the woods where we could not finde it : a good time we 
spent thus in arguing the cause, the Salvages without feare 
standing in troupes amongst us, seeming as if their counte- 
nances had beene sufficient to dant us : what other practises 
they had I know not ; but to prevent the worst, our Captaine 
caused us all to make ready, and upon the word, to let flie 
among them, where he appointed : others also he commanded 
to seize on them they could for prisoners ; all which being done 
according to our direction, the Captaine gave the word, and 

* Supplies (of men) which were sent, etc. 



324 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1616 

wee presently discharged, where twelve lay, some dead, the. 
rest for hfe sprawling on the ground, twelve more we tooke 
prisoners, two whereof were brothers, two of their eight Elders, 
the one tooke by Sergeant Boothe, the other by Robert a 
Polonian. Neere one hundred bushels of Corne we had for 
their ransomes, which was promised the Souldiers for a re- 
ward, but it was not performed: now Opechankanough had 
agreed with our Captaine for the subjecting of those people, 
that neither hee nor Powhatan could ever bring to their obedi- 
ence; and that he should make no peace with them without 
his advice : in our returne by Ozinies with our prisoners wee 
met Opechankanough, who with much adoe, fained with what 
paines hee had procured their peace, the which to requite, they 
called him the King of Ozinies, and brought him from all parts 
many presents of Beads, Copper, and such trash as they had. 
Here as at many other times wee were beholding to Captaine 
Henry Spilman our Interpreter, a Gentleman had Hved long 
time in this Countrie, and sometimes a prisoner ^ among the 
Salvages; and done much good service, though but badly 
rewarded. From hence we marcht towards James towne, we 
had three Boats loaded with Corne and other luggage; the 
one of them being more wilUng to be at James towne with the 
newes than the other, was overset, and eleven men cast away 
with the Boat, Corne and all their provision. Notwithstand- 
ing this put all the rest of the Salvages in that feare, especially 
in regard of the great league we had with Opechankanough, 
that we followed our labours quietly, and in such securitie 
that divers salvages of other Nations, daily frequented us with 
what provisions they could get, and would guide our men on 
hunting, and oft hunt for us themselves. Captaine Yearly 
had a Salvage or two so well trained up to their peeces, they 
were as expert as any of the English, and one hee kept pur- 
posely to kill him fowle. There were divers others had Sal- 
vages in like manner for their men. Thus we Uved together, 
as if wee had beene one people, all the time Captaine Yearley 

* See p. 202, note 4. 



1616J SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 325 

staled with us, but such grudges and discontents daily increased 
among our selves, that upon the arrivall of Captaine Argall, 
sent by the Councell and Companie to bee our Governour, 
Captaine Yearley returned for England in the yeere 1617.* 

From the writings of Captaine Nathaniel Powell, 
William Cantrill, Sergeant Boothe, Edward 

GURGANEY. 

During this time, the Lady Rebecca, alias Pocahontas, 
daughter to Powhatan, by the diHgent care of Master John 
Rolfe her husband and his friends, was taught to speake such 
English as might well bee understood, well instructed in 
Christianitie, and was become very formall and civill after our 
English manner; shee had also by him a childe which she 
loved most dearely, and the Treasurer and Company tooke 
order both for the maintenance of her and it, besides there 
were divers persons of great ranke and qualitie had beene very 
kinde to her; and before she arrived at London, Captaine 
Smith to deserve her former courtesies, made her quahties 
knowne to the Queenes most excellent Majestic and her Court, 
and writ a Uttle booke ^ to this effect to the Queene : An 
abstract whereof followeth. 

To the most high and vertuous Princesse, Queene Anne ^ of 

Great Brittanie. 

Most admired Queene : 

The love I beare my God, my King and Countrie, hath so 
oft emboldened mee in the worst of extreme dangers, that 
now honestie doth constraine mee presume thus farre beyond 
my selfe, to present your Majestic this short discourse : if 
ingratitude be a deadly poyson to all honest vertues, I must 

* Yeardley's government lasted one year, and the colony " lived in peace 
and the best plentye that ever it had till that time." Breife Declaration. 

' Letter. 

^ Anne was the second daughter of Frederick II., king of Denmark, and 
married James I. in 1589. She died March 2, 1619. 



326 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [161P 

bee guiltie of that crime if I should omit any meanes to bee 
thankfull. So it is, 

That some ten yeeres agoe ^ being in Virginia, and taken 
prisoner by the power of Powhatan their chiefe King, I re- 
ceived from this great Salvage exceeding great courtesie, 
especially from his sonne Nantaquaus, the most manUest, 
comehest, boldest spirit, I ever saw in a Salvage, and his sister 
Pocahontas, the Kings most deare and wel-beloved daughter, 
being but a childe of twelve or thirteene yeeres of age," whose 
compassionate pitifull heart, of my desperate estate, gave me 
much cause to respect her: I being the first Christian this 
proud King and his grim attendants ever saw: and thus en- 
thralled in their barbarous power, I cannot say I felt the least 
occasion of want that was in the power of those my mortall 
foes to prevent, notwithstanding al their threats. After some 
six weeks ^ fatting amongst those Salvage Courtiers, at the 
minute of my execution, she hazarded the beating out of her 
owne braines to save mine; and not onely that, but so pre- 
vailed with her father, that I was safely conducted to James 
towne : where I found about eight and thirtie miserable poore and 
sicke creatures, to keepe possession of all those large territories 
of Virginia ; such was the weaknesse of this poore Common- 
wealth, as had the Salvages not fed us, we directly had starved. 

And this reUefe, most gracious Queene, was commonly 
brought us by this Lady Pocahontas. Notwithstanding all 
these passages, when inconstant Fortune turned our peace to 
warre, this tender Virgin would still not spare to dare to \dsit 
us, and by her our jarres have beene oft appeased, and our 
wants still supplyed ; were it the poHcie of her father thus to 
imploy her, or the ordinance of God thus to make her his 
instrument, or her extraordinarie affection to our Nation, I 

* I.e., December, 1607. 

' She was consequently at the time of this letter (1616) twenty or twenty- 
one years old, which is confirmed by the inscription on the engraving by 
Simon de Passe, and on the original portrait in England, Mtatis siice 21, A°. 
1616. 

' Or rather three weeks. Smith was absent from Jamestown from De- 
cember 10, 1607, to January 2, 160S. 



X616J SMITH'S GENEKALL HISTOKIE, BOOK IV. 327 

know not : but of this I am sure ; when her father with the 
utmost of his poHcie and power, sought to surprize mee/ 
ha\dng but eighteene with mee, the darke night could not 
affright her from comming through the irkesome woods, and 
with watered eies gave me intelhgence, with her best advice 
to escape his furie; which had hee knowne, hee had surely 
slaine her. James towne with her wild traine she as freely 
frequented, as her fathers habitation ; and during the time of 
two or three yeeres, she next under God, was still the instru- 
ment to preserve this Colonic from death, famine and utter 
confusion; which if in those times, had once beene dissolved, 
Virginia might have line ^ as it was at our first arrivall to this 
day. Since then, this businesse having beene turned and 
varied by many accidents from that I left it at: it is most 
certaine, after a long and troublesome warre after my depar- 
ture, betwixt her father and our Colonic ; all which time shee 
was not heard of. About two yeeres after ^ shee her selfe was 
taken prisoner, being so detained neere two yeeres longer, 
the Colonic by that meanes was relieved, peace concluded; 
and at last rejecting her barbarous condition, was maried to 
an English Gentleman, with whom at this present she is in 
England; the first Christian ever of that Nation, the first 
Virginian ever spake English, or had a childe in mariage by an 
Englishman: a matter surely, if my meaning bee truly con- 
sidered and well understood, worthy a Princes understanding. 
Thus, most gracious Lady, I have related to your Majestic, 
what at your best leasure our approved Histories will account 
j^ou at large, and done in the time of your Majesties Hfe ; and 
however this might bee presented you from a more worthy 
pen, it cannot from a more honest heart, as yet I never begged 
any thing of the state, or any: and it is my want of abihtie 
and her exceeding desert ; your birth, meanes and authoritie ; 
hir birth, vertue, want and simplicitie, doth make mee thus 
bold, humbly to beseech your Majestic to take this knowledge 
of her, though it be from one so unworthy to be the reporter, 

* At Werowocomoco, about January 15, 1609. 

» Lain. » Aprils 1613. See above, p. 307. 



328 NARRATIVES OF EAKLY VlliGlNIA [1616 

as my selfe, her husbands estate not being able to make her 
fit to attend your Majestie. The most and least I can doe, 
is to tell you this, because none so oft hath tried it as my 
selfe, and the rather being of so great a spirit, how ever her 
stature : ^ if she should not be well received, seeing this King- 
dome may rightly have a Kingdome by her meanes ; her present 
love to us and Christianitie might turne to such scorne and 
furie, as to divert all this good to the worst of e\dll: where 
finding so great a Queene should doe her some honour more than 
she can imagine, for being so kinde to your servants and sub- 
jects, would so ravish her with content, as endeare her dearest 
bloud to effect that, your Majestie and all the Kings honest 
subjects most earnestly desire. And so I humbly kisse your 
gracious hands. 

Being about this time preparing to set saile for New- 
England, I could not stay to doe her that service I desired, 
and she well deserved; but hearing shee was at Branford 
with divers of my friends, I went to see her. After a modest 
salutation, without any word, she turned about, obscured her 
face, as not seeming well contented ; and in that humour her 
husband, with divers others, we all left her two or three houres, 
repenting my selfe to have writ she could speake English. 
But not long after, she began to talke, and remembered mee 
well what courtesies shee had done : saying. You did promise 
Powhatan what was yours should bee his, and he the Hke to 
you; you called him father being in his land a stranger, and 
by the same reason so must I doe you : which though I would 
have excused, I durst not allow of that title, because she was 
a Kings daughter; with a well set countenance she said, 

Were you not afraid to come into my fathers Countrie, and 
caused feare in him and all his people (but mee), and feare you here 
I should call you father ; I tell you then I will, and you shall call mee 
childe, and so I will bee for ever and ever your Countrieman. They 
did tell us alwaies you were dead, and I knew no other till I came to 

* Pocahontas was, therefore, not tall. 



1617] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTOKIE, BOOK IV. 329 

Plimoth; yet Powhatan did command Uttamatomakkin to seeke 
you, and know the truth, because your Countriemen will lie much. 

This Salvage, one of Powhatans Councell, being amongst 
them held an understanding fellow; the King purposely sent 
him, as they say, to number the people here, and informe him 
well what wee were and our state. Arriving at Plimoth, 
according to his directions, he got a long sticke, whereon by 
notches hee did thinke to have kept the number of all the 
men hee could see, but he was quickly wearie of that taske. 
Comming to London, where by chance I met him, having 
renewed our acquaintance, where many were desirous to 
heare and see his behaviour, hee told me Powhatan did bid 
him to finde me out, to shew him our God, the King, Queene, 
and Prince, I so much had told them of. Concerning God, I 
told him the best I could, the King I heard he had scene, and 
the rest hee should see when he would ; he denied ever to have 
scene the King, till by circumstances he was satisfied he had : 
Then he replyed very sadly, You gave Powhatan a white Dog, 
which Powhatan fed as himselfe ; but your King gave me noth- 
ing, and I am better than your white Dog. 

The same time I staid in London, divers Courtiers and 
others, my acquaintances, hath gone with mee to see her, 
that generally concluded, they did thinke God had a great 
hand in her conversion, and they have scene many EngHsh 
Ladies worse favoured, proportioned, and behavioured ; and 
as since I have heard, it pleased both the King and Queenes 
Majestic honourably to esteeme her, accompanied with that 
honourable Lady the Lady De la Ware, and that honourable 
Lord her husband, and divers other persons of good qualities, 
both publikely at the maskes and otherwise, to her great satis- 
faction and content, which doubtlesse she would have deserved, 
had she lived to arrive in Virginia. 

The government devolved to Captaine Samuel Argall, 1617, 

The Treasurer, Councell and Companie, having well fur- 
nished Captaine Samuel Argall, the Lady Pocahontas alias 



330 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1617 

Rebecca, with her husband and others, in the good ship called 
the George ; it pleased God at Gravesend ^ to take this young 
Lady to liis mcrcie, where shee made not more sorrow for her 
unexpected death, than joy to the beholders to heare and see 
her make so rehgious and godly an end. Her little childe 
Thomas Rolfe therefore was left at PUmoth with Sir Lewis 
Stukly, that desired the keeping of it. Captaine Hamar his ^ 
vice-Admirall was gone before, but hee found him at Plimoth. 
In March they set saile 1617. and in May he arrived at James 
towne, where hee was kindly entertained by Captaine Yearley 
and his Companie in a martiall order, whose right hand file 
was led by an Indian. In James towne he found but five or 
six houses, the Church downe, the Palizado's broken, the Bridge 
in pieces, the Well of fresh water spoiled ; the Store-house they 
used for the Church; the market-place, and streets, and all 
other spare places planted with Tobacco: the Salvages as 
frequent in their houses as themselves, whereby they were 
become expert in our armes, and had a great many in their cus- 
todie and possession ; the Colonic dispersed all about, planting 
Tobacco. Captaine Argall not Hking those proceedings, 
altered them agreeable to his owne minde, taking the best 
order he could for repairing those defects which did exceed- 
ingly trouble us ; we were constrained every yeere to build and 
repaire our old Cottages, which were alwaies a decaying in all 
places of the Countrie: yea, the very Courts of Guard built 
by Sir Thomas Dale, was ready to fall, and the Palizado's not 
sufficient to keepe out Hogs. Their number of people were 
about 400. but not past 200. fit for husbandry and tillage : we 
found there in all one hundred twentie eight cattell, and foure- 
score and eight Goats, besides innumerable numbers of Swine, 
and good plentie of Corne in some places, yet the next yeere ^ 
the Captaine sent out a Frigat and a Pinnace, that brought us 
neere six hundred bushels more, which did greatly reUeve the 
whole Colonic. For from the tenants wee seldome had above 
foure hundred bushels of rent Corne to the store, and there was 

^ It is lately reported (July, 1907) that her grave and skeleton have 
been found there. ^ Argall's. ' 1618, 



1618] SMiTil-6 GEls^EKALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 331 

not remaining of the Companies companie, past foure and 
fiftie men women and Children. 

This yeere ^ having planted our fields, came a great drought ; 
and such a cruell storme of haile, which did such spoile both 
to the Corne and Tobacco, that wee reaped but small profit: 
the Magazine that came in the George, being fixe moneths in 
her passage, proved very badly conditioned; but ere she 
arrived, we had gathered and made up our Tobacco, the best 
at three shillings the pound, the rest at eighteene pence. 

To supply us, the Councell and Company with all possible 
care and diligence, furnished a good ship of some two hundred 
and fiftie tunne, with two hundred people and the Lord la 
Ware. They set saile in Aprill, and tooke their course by the 
westerne Iles,^ where the Governour of the He of Saint Michael 
received the Lord la Ware, and honourably feasted him, with 
all the content hee could give him. Going from thence, they 
were long troubled with contrary winds, in which time many 
of them fell very sicke ; thirtie died, one of which number was 
that most honourable Lord Governour the Lord la Ware, 
whose most noble and generous disposition is well knowne to 
his great cost, had beene most forward in this businesse for 
his Countries good. Yet this tender state of Virginia was not 
growne to that maturitie, to maintaine such state and pleasure 
as was fit for such a personage, with so brave and great at- 
tendance : for some small number of adventrous Gentlemen 
to make discoveries, and lie in Garrison ready upon any occa- 
sion to keepe in feare the inconstant Salvages, nothing were 
more requisite ; but to have more to wait and play than worke, 
or more commanders and officers than industrious labourers 
was not so necessarie. For in Virginia, a plaine Souldier that 
can use a Pick-axe and spade, is better than five ICnights, 
although they were Knights that could breake a Lance : for 
men of great place, not inured to those incounters, when they 
finde things not sutable, grow many times so discontented, they 
forget themselves, and oft become so carelesse, that a dis- 

' Marginal reading, "1618. Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer." ^ Azores. 



332 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1618 

contented melancholy brings them to much sorrow, and to 
others much miserie. 

At last they stood in for the coast of New-England ; where 
they met a small Frenchman/ rich of Be vers and other Furres. 
Though wee had here but small knowledge of the coast nor 
countrie; yet they tooke such an abundance of Fish and 
Fowle, and so well refreshed themselves there with wood and 
water, as by the helpe of God thereby, having beene at Sea 
sixteene weekes, got to Virginia, who without this reliefe had 
beene in great danger to perish. The French-men made them 
such a feast, with such an abundance of varietie of Fish, Fowle 
and Fruits, as they all admired, and little expected that wild 
wildernesse could affoord such wonderfull abundance of 
plentie. In this ship came about two hundred men, but very 
little provision: and the ship called the Treasiirei* came in 
againe not long after with fortie passengers. The Lord la 
Wares ship lying in Virginia three moneths,^ wee victualled 
her with threescore bushels of Corne, and eight Hogsheads of 
flesh, besides other victuall she spent whilest they tarried 
there : this ship brought us advice that great multitudes were 
a preparing in England to bee sent, and relied much upon that 
victuall they should finde here : whereupon our Captaine ^ 
called a Councell, and writ to the Councell here in England 
the estate of the Colonic, and what a great miserie would insue, 
if they sent not provision as well as people; and what they 
did suffer for want of skilfull husbandmen, and meanes to set 
their Ploughs on worke : having as good ground as any man 
can desire, and about fortie Bulls and Oxen ; but they wanted 
men to bring them to labour, and Irons for the Ploughs, and 
harnesse for the Cattell. Some thirtie or fortie acres wee had 
sowne with one Plough, but it stood so long on the ground 
before it was reaped, it was most shaken ; and the rest spoiled 
with the Cattell and Rats in the Barne, but no better Corne 
could bee for the quantitie. 

* A small French ship. » From August to November, 1618. 

• Samuel Argall. 



1618] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 333 

Richard Killingbeck being with the Captaine at Kekough- 
tan, desired leave to returne to his wife at Charles hundred/ 
hee went to James towne by water, there he got foure more to 
goe with him by land, but it proved that he intended to goe 
trade with the Indies ^ of Chickahamania : where making 
shew of the great quantitie of trucke they had, which the 
Salvages perceiving, partly for their trucke, partly for revenge 
of some friends they pretended should have beene slaine by 
Captaine Yearley; one of them with an English peece shot 
Killingbeck dead, the other Salvages assaulted the rest and 
slew them, stripped them, and tooke what they had. But 
fearing this murther would come to light, and might cause 
them to suffer for it, would now proceed to the perfection of 
villanie ; for presently they robbed their Machacomocko house ^ 
of the towne, stole all the Indian treasure thereout, and fled 
into the woods, as other Indians related. On Sunday follow- 
ing, one Fairfax ^ that dwelt a mile from the towne, going to 
Church, left his wife and three small children safe at home, as 
he thought, and a young youth : she supposing praier to be 
done, left the children, and went to meet her husband; pres- 
ently after came three or foure of those fugitive Salvages, 
entred the house, and slew a boy and three children : and also 
another youth that stole out of the Church in praier time, 
meeting them, was likewise murdered. Of this disaster the 
Captaine sent to Opechankanough for satisfaction, but he 
excused the matter, as altogether ignorant of it ; at the same 
time the Salvages that were robbed were complaining to 
Opechankanough, and much feared the English would bee 
revenged on them ; so that Opechankanough sent to Captaine 

* Bermuda Hundred. ' Indians. 
' "Their Church and Storehouse/' says the margin. 

* In 1620 WiUiam Fairfax, yeoman and ancient planter, who "has re- 
mained 8 years in the country, and Margery, his wife, an old planter also 
that came into the country, married to said Fairfax," sold to Rev. Richard 
Buck twelve acres of land a mile from Jamestown, in the eastern part of the 
island, on which were " a dwelling house and another little house." (Virginia 
Land Grants.) In 1622 he was killed by the Indians, while living at the 
house of Ensign William Spence in Archer's Hope. 



334 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1618 

Argall, to assure him the peace should never be broken by him, 
desiring that he would not revenge the injurie of those fugitives 
upon the innocent people of that towne ; which towne he should 
have, and sent him a basket of earth, as possession given of it, 
and promised, so soone as possibly they could catch these rob- 
bers, to send him their heads for satisfaction, but he never per- 
formed it. Samuel Argall, John Rolfe. 

A relation from Master John Rolfe, June 15, 1618. 

Concerning the state of our new Common-wealth, it is 
somewhat bettered, for we have sufficient to content our selves, 
though not in such abundance as is vainly reported in England. 
Powhatan died this last Aprill, yet the Indians continue in 
peace. Itopatin his second brother succeeds him, and both 
hee and Opechankanough have confirmed our former league. 
On the eleventh of May, about ten of the clocke in the night, 
happened a most fearefull tempest, but it continued not past 
halfe an houre, which powred downe hailestones eight or nine 
inches about, ^ that none durst goe out of their doores, and 
though it tore the barke and leaves of the trees, yet wee finde 
not they hurt either man or beast; it fell onely about James 
towne, for but a mile to the East, and twentie to the West 
there was no haile at all. Thus in peace every man followed 
his building and planting without any accidents worthy of 
note. Some private differences happened betwixt Captaine 
Bruster and Captaine Argall, and Captaine Argall and the 
Companie here in England; but of them I am not fully in- 
formed, neither are they here for any use, and therefore unfit 
to be remembered.^ In December ^ one Captaine Stallings, 

* Such storms were apparently more frequent in colonial days than in 
later times. There is record of a storm in 1667, which poured down hail- 
stones so large that they beat holes in the roofs of the houses. 

^ Particulars of the suit of Brewster against Argall and of the relations 
between Argall and the company in London, may be found in the first volume 
of the Recor-ds of the Virginia Company (Washington, 1906), published by the 
Library of Congress from the manuscript in its possession. For the period 
1619-1624, these records are the chief and authoritative source for the his- 
tory of the Virginia Company. ' 1617. 



1619] SMITH'S GENEKALL HISTORiE, BOOK lY. 335 

an old planter in those parts, being imployed by them of the 
West countrie for a fishing voyage in New-England, fell foule 
of a Frenchman whom hee tooke, leaving his owne ship to 
returne for England, himselfe with a small companie remained 
in the French barke, some small time after upon the coast, and 
thence returned to winter in Virginia. 

The govermnent surrendered to Sir George Yearley, 

For to begin with the yeere of our Lord, 1619,^ there arrived 
a little Pinnace privatly from England about Easter ^ for 
Captaine Argall; who taking order for his affaires, within 
foure or five dales returned in her, and left for his Deputy, 
Captaine Nathaniel Powell. On the eighteenth of Aprill, 
whicli was but ten or twelve dales after, arrived Sir George 
Yearley, by whom we understood Sir Edwin Sandys was chosen 
Treasurer, and Master John Farrar his Deputy; and what 
great supplies was a preparing to be sent us, which did ravish 
us so much with joy and content, we thought our selves now 
fully satisfied for our long toile and labours, and as happy 
men as any in the world. Notwithstanding, such an accident 
hapned Captaine Stallings, the next day his ship was cast 
away, and he not long after slaine in a private quarrcll. Sir 
George Yearly to beginne his government, added to be of his 
councell, Captaine Francis West, Captaine Nathaniel Powell, 
Master John Pory, Master John Rolfe, and Master William 
Wickam, and Master Samuel Macocke, and propounded to 
have a generall assembly with all expedition. Upon the 
twelfth of this Moneth, came in a Pinnace of Captaine Bar- 

^ The margin reads, " 1619. Sir Edwin Sands [Sandys, then pronounced 
Sands] Treasurer. Master John Farer [Ferrar] Deputie." This marks a 
great turning-point in the history of the Virginia Company, Sir Thomas 
Smith and his party being defeated in the spring election, and the opposite 
party becoming dominant, under the leadership of the Earl of Southampton, 
Sir Edwin Sandys, and the Ferrars, John and Nicholas. The history of 
all these struggles may be traced in E. D. Neill's Virginia Company of London 
(Albany, 1869), and in the Records of the Virginia Company. 

^ Easter Sunday (old style) was March 28, in 1619. 



336 NARRATiraS OF EAKLY VIRGINIA [lGli» 

graves ; ^ and on the seventeenth Captaine Lownes/ and one 
Master Evans, who intended to plant themselves at Wara- 
skoyack : but now Ophechankanough will not come at us, that 
causes us suspect his former promises. 

In May came in the Margaret of Biistoll, with foure and 
thirty men, all well and in health; and also many devout 
gifts: and we were much troubled in examining some scan- 
dalous letters sent into England, to disgrace this Country 
with barrennesse, to discourage the adventurers, and so bring 
it and us to ruine and confusion. Notwithstanding, we finde 
by them of best experience, an industrious man not other 
waies imploied, may well tend foure akers of Corne, and 1000. 
plants of Tobacco ; and where they say an aker will yeeld but 
three or foure barrels,^ we have ordinarily foure or five, but of 
new ground six, seven, and eight, and a barrell of Pease and 
Beanes, which we esteeme as good as two of Corne, which is 
after thirty or forty bushels an aker, so that one man may 
provide Corne for five ; and apparell for two by the profit of 
his Tobacco. They say also English Wheat will yeeld but 
sixteene bushels an aker, and we have reaped thirty : besides to 
manure the Land, no place hath more white and blew Marble * 
than here, had we but Carpenters to build and make Carts and 
Ploughs, and skilfull men that know how to use them, ard 
traine up our cattell to draw them ; which though we indeveur 
to effect, yet our want of experience brings but little to per- 
fection but planting Tobaco. And yet of that, many are so 
covetous to have much, they make little good; besides there 
are so many sofisticating Tobaco-mungers in England, were 
it never so bad, they would sell it for Verinas,^ and the trash 
that remaineth should be Virginia: such devilish bad mindes 
we know some of our owne Country-men doe beare, not onely 
to the businesse, but also to our mother England her selfe; 
could they or durst they as freely defame her. 

The 25. of June came in the Triall with Come and Cattell 

* Captain George Bargrave. ' Captain Christopher Lawne. 
' "A barrell they account foure bushels," says the margin. 

* Marl. ' A high-grade Cuban tobacco. 



1619] SMITH'S GENEKALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 337 

all in safety, which tooke from us cleerely all feare of famine ; 
then our governour and councell caused Burgesses to be 
chosen in all places, and met at a generall Assembly, where all 
matters were debated thought ^ expedient for the good of the 
Colony, and Captaine Ward was sent to Monahigan ^ in new 
England, to fish in May, and returned the latter end of May, 
but to small purpose, for they wanted Salt. The George also 
was sent to New-found-land with the Cape Merchant: there 
she bought fish, that defraied her charges, and made a good 
voyage in seven weekes. About the last of August came in a 
dutch man of warre that sold us twenty Negars : ^ and Japa- 
zous King of Patawomeck, came to James towne, to desire two 
ships to come trade in his River, for a more plentifull yeere of 
Corne had not beene in a long time, yet very contagious, and by 
the trechery of one Poule, in a manner turned heathen, wee 
were very jealous ^ the Salvages would surprize us. The 
Governours have bounded foure Corporations ; ^ which is ^ 
the Companies, the University, the Governours and Gleabe 
land. Ensigne Wil. Spencer, and Thomas Barret a Sergeant, 
with some others of the ancient Planters being set free, weare 
the first farmers that went forth; and have chosen places to 
their content: so that now knowing their owne land, they 
strive who should exceed in building and planting. The fourth 
of November, the Bona nova came in with all her people lusty 
and well ; not long after one Master Dirmer ^ sent out by some 

* That were thought. This is the general assembly whose records have 
been printed on previous pages of this volume, pp. 245-278. 

' Monhegan Island, off the coast of Maine. 

' This was the first introduction of negro slavery into Virginia. See 
Ballagh, History of Slavery in Virginia, pp. 6-9, and p. 282, ante. 

* Fearful. 

^ Elizabeth City, James City, Charles City, and Henrico. See Tyler, 
The Cradle of the Republic, pp. 117, 118. 

* In which are, etc. Sir Edwin Sandys had this spring proposed a uni- 
versity or college for Virginia, and a grant of land at Henrico had been made 
for its support. 

' Thomas Dermer during this voyage sailed up the Hudson River, and 
after visiting Virginia sailed to England, where he brought news of the Dutch 
trading posts on the Hudson, and the value of the fur trade. Therefore 



338 NAKKAT1VE6 Oh' EAKLY VIRGINIA [1610 

of Plimoth for New-England, arrived in a Barke of five tunnes, 
and returned the next Spring. Notwithstanding the ill 
rumours of the unwholsomnesse of James towne, the new 
commers that were planted at old Paspaheghe/ little more 
then a mile from it, had their healths better then any in the 
Country. In December, Captaine Ward returned from Pata- 
womeck, the people there dealt falsly with him, so that hee 
tooke 800. bushels of Corne from them perforce. Captaine 
Woddiffe ^ of Bristol came in not long after, with all his people 
lusty and in health: and we had two particular Governours 
sent us, under the titles of Deputies to the Company, the one 
to have charge of the Colledge Lands, the other of the Com- 
panies.^ Now you are to understand, that because there have 
beene many complaints against the Governors, Captaines, and 
Officers in Virginia: for buying and selling men and boies, 
or to bee set over from one to another for a yeerely rent, was 
held in England a thing most intolerable ; or that the tenants 
or lawfull servants should be put from their places, or abridged 
their Covenants, was so odious, that the very report thereof 
brought a great scandall to the generall action. The Councell 
in England did send many good and worthy instructions for 
the amending of those abuses, and appointed a hundred men 
should at the Companies charge be allotted and provided to 
serve and attend the Governour during the time of his govern- 
ment, which number he was to make good at his departure. 

Captain Samuel Argall, with many English planters, prepared to make a 
settlement on the Hudson, but in 1623 a number of French-speaking Wal- 
loons came over ana constituted the first regular Dutch colony in America. 

^ "Old Paspahegh," where the Paspahegh Indians had their chief town 
previous to the arrival of the English, was the site of Argall 's "Gift" or 
"Town." 

' Captain John Woodlief arrived in Virginia in the Margaret of Bristol 
on December 4, 1619, bringing the first colony for Berkeley Hundred, es- 
tablished by a private company of which Sir William Throckmorton, Richard 
Berkeley, William Tracy, George Thorpe, and John Smyth of Nibley were 
the leading members. 

' George Thorpe was appointed manager of the college lands (set aside 
this year for the support of a college), and Captain Thomas Newce manager 
of the company's lands. 



1619] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 339 

and leave to his Successor in like manner ; fifty to the Deputy- 
Governour of the College land, and fifty to the Deputy of the 
Companies land, fifty to the Treasurer, to the Secretary five 
and twenty, and more to the Marshall and Cape merchant; 
which they are also to leave to their successors ; and likewise 
to every particular Officer such a competency, as he might 
live well in his Office, without oppressing any under their 
charge : which good law I pray God it be well observed, and 
then we may truly say in Virginia, we are the most happy 
people in the world/ By ^^ j^^^ j^o^fe. 

There went this yeere by the Companies records, 11. ships, 
and 1216. persons to be thus disposed on: Tenants for the 
Governors land fourescore, besides fifty sent the former spring ; 
for the Companies land a hundred and thirty, for the College 
a hundred, for the Glebe land fifty, young women to make 
wives ninety,^ servants for publike service fifty, and fifty more 
whose labours were to bring up thirty of the infidels children : 
the rest were sent to private Plantations. 

Two persons unknowne have given faire Plate and Orna- 
ments for two Communion Tables, the one at the College, the 
other at the Church of Mistris Mary Robinson,^ who towards 
the foundation gave two hundred pound. And another un- 
knowne person sent to the Treasurer five hundred and fifty 
pounds, for the bringing up of the salvage children in Chris- 
tianity. Master Nicholas Farrar deceased, hath by his Will 
given three hundred pounds to the College, to be paid when 

* The object of assigning men and land to the different standing officers 
was to save the people from being taxed for their support. The experiment, 
however, proved a failure, and the land thus reserved was ultimately granted 
away to private persons. 

^ These ninety young maidens were sold with their consent to the set- 
tlers as wives, at the cost of their transportation, viz. : one hundred and twenty 
pounds of tobacco (equivalent to $500 in present currency). Cargoes of 
this interesting merchandise continued to arrive for many years. 

^ This church was in Southampton Hundred ; i.e., the country from Weya- 
noke to Chickahominy River. There is still preserved a cup, the gift of 
Mrs. Mary Robinson to this church, with the hall-mark 1617. 



340 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1620 

there shall be ten young Salvages placed in it, in the meane 
time f oure and twenty pound ^ yeerely to bee distributed unto 
three discreet and godly young men in the Colony, to bring 
up three wilde young infidels in some good course of life ; also 
there were granted eleven Pattents, upon condition to transport 
people and cattle to increase the Plantations.^ 

A desperat Sea-fight ^ hetwixt two Spanish men of wane, and a 
small English ship, at the He of Dominica, going to 
Virginia, hy Captaine Anthony Chester. 

Having taken our journey towards Virginia in the begin- 
ning of February, a ship called the Margaret and John, of one 
hundred and sixty tuns, eight Iron Peeces and a Falcon, with 
eightie Passengers besides Sailers; After many tempests and 
foule weather, about the foureteenth of March* we were in 
thirteene degrees and an halfe of Northerly latitude, where we 
descried a ship at hull ; it being but a faire gale of wind, we 
edged towards her to see what she was, but she presently set 
saile, and ran us quickly out of sight. This made us keepe 
our course for Mettalina, and the next day passing Dominica, 
we came to an anchor at Guardalupo, to take in fresh water. 
Six French-men there cast away sixteene moneths agoe came 
aboord us; they told us a Spanish man of Warre but seven 
dales before was seeking his consort, and this was she we 
descried at hull. At Me vis we intended to refresh our selves, 

^ The interest on £300 at the rate of eight per cent., a rate then usual, 
and made the legal rate a few years later, by 21 Jac. I. c. 17. 

^ ''But few performe them," says the margin. 

^ This sea-fight was accounted in its day among the most notable ex- 
ploits of the English people. Two accounts were published, one at Am- 
sterdam and the other at London. In 1707 there was printed in Dutch 
at Leyden an account which is said to have been " narrated by a distinguished 
passenger." See William and Mary College Quarterly, IX. 203-214. An 
account also was written by Thomas Hothersall "late zityson and grocer 
of London being an I witness and interpreter of the exployte." Brown 
MS. to editor. The quotation made by Brown in his First Republic, p. 415, 
was doubtless from this writer. 

"* The margin has the note, " 1620. The Earleof Southampton Treasurer 
[i.e., of the Virginia Company] and Master John Ferrar Deputy." 



J620] SMITH'S GENEKALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 341 

having beene eleven weeks ^ pestered in this unwholsome ship ; 
but there we found two tall ships with the Hollanders colours ; 
but necessitie forcing us on shore, we anchored faire by them, 
and in friendly manner sent to hale them : but seeing they were 
Spaniards, retiring to our ship, they sent such a volley of shot 
after us, that shot the Boat, split the Oares, and some thorow 
the clothes, yet not a man hurt ; and then followed with their 
great Ordnance, that many times over-racked our ship, which 
being so cum bred with the Passengers provisions, our Ordi- 
nance was not well fitted, nor any thing as it should have beene. 
But perceiving what they were, we fitted our selves the best 
we could to prevent a mischief e. Seeing them warp them- 
selves to windward, we thought it not good to be boorded on 
both sides at an anchor ; we intended to set saile, but that the 
Vice-Admirall battered so hard our starboord side, that we 
fell to our businesse, and answered their unkindnesse with such 
faire shot from a Demiculvering,^ that shot her betweene wind 
and water, whereby she was glad to leave us and her Admirall 
together. Comming faire by our quarter, he tooke in his Hol- 
land flag, and put forth his Spanish colours, and so haled us. 
We quietly and quickly answered him, both what wee 
were, and whither bound ; relating the effect of our Commission, 
and the cause of our comming thither for water, and not to 
annoy any of the King of Spaines Subjects, nor any. She 
commanded us amaine ^ for the King of Spaine. We repUed 
with inlarging the particulars what friends both the Kings our 
Masters were ; and as we would doe no wrong, we would take 
none. They commanded us aboord to shew our Commission; 
which we refused, but if they would send their Boat to us 
wiUingly they should see it. But for answer they made two 
great shot at us, with a volley of small shot, which caused us 
to leave the decks; then with many ill words they laid us 
aboord,* which caused us to raise our maine saile, and give 
the word to our small shot which lay close and ready, that paid 

^ From February to April, 1620. 

' A demi-culverin was a cannon of about 4000 pounds. 

' To lower the top sail. * Ran alongside of us. 



342 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1620 

them in such sort, they quickly retired. The fight continued 
halfe an houre, as if we had beene invironed with fire and smoke, 
untill they discovered the waste of our ship naked, where they 
bravely boorded us loofe for loofe, hasting with pikes and swords 
to enter ; but it pleased God so to direct our Captaine, and en- 
courage our men with valour, that our pikes being formerly 
placed under our halfe deck, and certaine shot lying close for 
that purpose under the Port holes, encountred them so rudely, 
that their fury was not onely rebated, but their hastinesse in- 
tercepted, and their whole company beaten backe. Many of 
our men were hurt, but I am sure they had two for one. 

In the end they were violently repulsed, untill they were 
reinforced to charge againe by their commands, who standing 
upon their honors, thought it a great indignity to be so affronted, 
which caused a second charge, and that answered with a second 
beating backe : whereat the Captaine grew inraged, and con- 
strained them to come on againe afresh, which they did so 
effectually, that questionlesse it had wrought an alteration, 
if the God that tosseth Monarchies, and teareth Mountaines, 
had not taught us to tosse our Pikes with prosperous events, 
and powred out a volley of small shot amongst them, whereby 
that valiant Commander was slaine, and many of his Souldiers 
dropped downe likewise on the top of the hatches. This we 
saw with our eies, and rejoyced with it at our hearts, so that 
we might perceive good successe comming on, our Captaine 
presently tooke advantage of their discomfiture, though with 
much comiseration of that resolute Captaine, and not onely 
plied them againe with our Ordnance, but had more shot under 
the Pikes, which was bestowed to good purpose, and amazed 
our enemies with the suddennesse. 

Amongst the rest, one Lucas, our Carpenters Mate, must 
not be forgotten, who perceiving a way how to annoy them ; 
As they were thus puzled and in a confusion, drew out a 
Minion ^ under the halfe decke, and there bent it upon them in 
such a manner, that when it was fired, the cases of stones and 

^ A small cannon weighing about 1500 pounds and shooting a four-pound 
ball. 



1620] SMITH'S GENEEALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 343 

peeces of Iron fell upon them so thick, as cleared the decke, 
and slew many ; and in short time we saw few assailants, but 
such as crept from place to place covertly from the fury of our 
shot, which now was thicker than theirs : for although as far 
as we may commend our enemies, they had done something 
worthy of commendations; yet either wanting men, or being 
overtaken with the unlooked for valour of our men, the}^ now 
began to shrinke, and give us leave to be wanton with our 
advantage. Yet we could onely use but foure peece of Ord- 
nances, but they served the turne as well as all the rest : for 
she was shot so oft betv/eene wind and water, we saw they were 
wilhng to leave us, but by reason she was fast in the latch of 
our cable, which in haste of weighing our anchor hung aloofe, 
she could not cleare her selfe as she wrought to doe, till one 
cut the Cable with an axe, and was slaine by freeing us. Hav- 
ing beene aboord us two houres and an halfe, seeing her selfe 
cleere, all the shot wee had, plaied on both sides, which lasted 
till we were out of shot ; then we discovered the Vice-Admirall 
comming to her assistance, who began a farre oft to ply us 
with their Ordnances, and put us in minde we had another 
worke in hand. Whereupon we separated the dead and hurt 
bodies, and manned the ship with the rest, and w^ere so well 
incouraged wee waifed them amaine.^ The Admirall stood 
aloofe off, and the other would not come within Falcon ^ shot, 
where she lay battering us till shee received another paiment 
from a Demiculvering, which made her beare with the shore 
for smooth water to mend her leakes. The next morning they 
both came up againe with us, as if they had determined to 
devour us at once, but it seemed it was but a bravado, though 
they forsooke not our quarter for a time within Musket shot; 
yet all the night onely they kept us company, but made not a 
shot. During which time we had leasure to provide us better 
than before : but God bethanked they made onely but a shew 
of another assault, ere suddenty the Vicc-admirall fell a starne, 
and the other lay shaking in the wind, and so they both left 

* Signalled them to come ahead. 

' A falcon was a cannon weighing about 1000 pounds. 



344 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1620 

US. The fight continued six houres, and was the more un- 
welcome, because we were so ill provided, and had no intent 
to fight, nor give occasion to disturbe them. As for the losse 
of men, if Religion had not taught us what by the providence 
of God is brought to passe, yet daily experience might informe 
us, of the dangers of wars, and perils at sea, by stormes tem- 
pests, shipwracks, encounters with Pirats, meeting with ene- 
mies, crosse winds, long voiages, unknowne shores, barbarous 
Nations, and an hundred inconveniences, of which humane 
poUicies are not capable, nor mens conjectures apprehensive. 
We lost Doctor Bohun,^ a worthy vahant Gentleman, (a long 
time brought up amongst the most learned Surgeons and 
Physitions in Netherlands, and this his second journey to 
Virginia:) and seven slaine out right; two died shortly of 
their wounds ; sixteene was shot, whose Umbs God be thanked 
was recovered without maime, and now setled in Virginia. 
How many they lost we know not, but we saw a great many 
lie on the decks, and their skuppers runne with bloud. They 
were about three hundred tunnes apeece, each ^ sixteene or 
twentie Brasse-peeces. Captaine Chester, who in this fight 
had behaved himselfe like a most vigilant, resolute, and a 
couragious souldier, as also our honest and valiant Master, 
did still so comfort and incourage us by all the meanes they 
could. At last, to all our great contents, we arrived in Vir- 
ginia, and from thence returned safely to England.^ 

That most generous and most honourable Lord, the Earle 
of Southampton, being pleased to take upon him the title of 
Treasurer, and Master John Farrar his Deputy, with ^ such 
instructions as were necessary, and admonitions to all Officers 

^ Dr. Bohun received a mortal wound, and Captain Chester embraced him 
and exclaimed, *'0h, Dr. Bohun, what a disaster is this." The noble doctor 
replied, " Fight it out, my brave man, the cause is good, and the Lord receive 
my soul." Brown, Genesis of the United States, II. 830. 

^ I.e., each had. 

^ Next follows in the Generall Historie (pp. 130-138 of the original), an 
alphabetical list of the adventurers for Virginia, or subscribers to the Vir- 
ginia Company, here omitted. * Sent. 



1621] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 345 

to take heede of extortion, ingrosing commodities, forestalling 
of markets, especially to have a vigilant care,^ the familiarity 
of the Salvages Hving amongst them made them not way to 
betray or surprize them, for the building of Guest-houses to 
reheve the weake in, and that they did wonder in all this 
time they had made no discoveries, nor knew no more then ^ 
the very place w^hereon they did inhabit, nor yet could ever 
see any returne for all this continuall charge and trouble; 
therefore they sent to be added to the Councell seven Gentle- 
men, namely Mr Thorp, Captaine Nuce, Mr Tracy, Captaine 
Middleton, Captaine Blount, Mr John Pountas, and Mr 
Harwood, with men, munition, and all things thought fitting ; 
but they write from Virginia, many of the Ships were so pestred 
with diseased people, and thronged together in their passage, 
there was much sicknesse and a great mortahty, wherefore 
they desired rather a few able sufficient men well pro\dded, 
then great multitudes. And because there were few accidents ^ 
of note, but private advertisements by letters, we will conclude 
this yeere, and proceed to the next. 

Collected out of the Councels letters for Virginia. 

The instructions and advertisements for this yeere * were 
both from England and Virginia, much hke the last: only 
whereas before they had ever a suspicion of Opechankanough, 
and all the rest of the Salvages, they had an eye over him 
more then any ; but now they all write so confidently of their 
assured peace with the Salvages, there is now no more feare 
nor danger either of their power or trechery; so that every 
man planteth himselfe where he pleaseth, and followeth his 
businesse securely. But the time of Sir George Yearley being 
neere expired, the Councel here made choise of a worthy young 
Gentleman Sir Francis Wyat to succeed him, whom they 
forthwith furnished and provided, as they had done his Prede- 
cessors, with all the necessary instructions all these times had 

^Supply "that." 'Than. 'Happenings. 

* The margin has the note, " 1621. The Earle of Southampton Treasurer. 
Master John Ferrar Deputy." 



346 KAHKATIVES OF EAKLY ViKGlNIA [1621 

acquainted them, for the conversion of the Salvages; the 
suppressing of planting Tobacco, and planting of Corne ; not 
depending continually to be supplied by the Salvages, but in 
case of necessity to trade with them, whom long ere this, it 
hath beene promised and expected should have beene fed and 
reheved by the Enghsh, not the English by them; and care- 
fully to redresse all the complaints of the needlesse ^ mor- 
tality of their people : and by all dihgence seeke to send som^^- 
thing home to satisfie the Adventurers, that all this time had 
only hved upon hopes, grew so weary and discouraged, that 
it must now be substance that must maintaine their proceed- 
ings, and not letters, excuses and promises ; seeing they could 
get so much and such great estates for themselves, as to spend 
after the rate of 100. pounds, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. nay some 
2000. or 3000." pounds yearely, that were not worth so many 
pence when they went to Virginia, can scarce containe them- 
selves either in diet, apparell, gaming, and all manner of such 
superfluity, within a lesse compasse than our curious, costly, 
and consuming Gallants here in England, which cannot pos- 
sibly be there supported, but either by oppressing the Com- 
minalty there, or deceiving the generahty here (or both). 

Extracted out of the Councels Letters for Virginia. 

From Virginia, by the relations of the Chieftains there, 
and many I have conferred with, that came from thence 
hither, I have much admired to heare of the incredible pleasure, 
profit and plent}^ this Plantation doth abound in, and yet could 
never heare of any returne but Tobacco: but it hath oft 
amazed me to understand how strangely the Salvages hath 
beene taught the use of our armes, and imploied in hunting 
and fowHng with our fowHng peeces ; and our men rooting in 
the ground about Tobacco like Swine. Besides, that the 

^ It was, as observed before, a part of the counciFs policy to ''promote" 
the country at the expense of the settlers. 

^ Three thousand pounds sterUng at that time was equivalent to $75,000 
in present values. 



1621] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 347 

Salvages that doe little but continually exercise their bow 
and arrowes, should dwell and lie so familiarly amongst our 
men that practised little but the Spade ; being so farre asunder, 
and in such small parties dispersed, and neither Fort, exercise 
of armes used. Ordnances mounted, Courts of guard,^ nor any 
preparation nor provision to prevent a forraine enemy, much 
more the Salvages howsoever : for the Salvages uncertaine con- 
formity I doe not wonder ; but for their constancy and conver- 
sion, I am and ever have beene of the opinion of Master Jonas 
Stockam ^ a Minister in Virginia, who even at this time, when 
all things were so prosperous, and the Salvages at the point of 
conversion, against all their Governours and Councels opinions, 
writ to the Councell and Company in England to this effect. 

May 28, Master Stockams relation. 

We that have left our native country to sojourne in a 
strange land, some idle spectators, who either cowardly dare 
not, or covetously will not adventure either their purses or 
persons in so commendable a worke; others supporting Atlas 
of this almost unsupportable burdens as your selves, without 
whose assistance this Virginia Firmament, in which some, and 
I hope in short time will shine many more glorious Starres, 
though there be many ItaUannated and SpanioUzed Enghsh- 
men envies our prosperities, and by all their ignominious 
scandals they can devise seekes to dishearten what they can, 
those that are willing to further this glorious enterprize, to 
such I wish according to the decree of Darius, that whosoever 
is an enemy to our peace, and seeketh either by getting moni- 
poHcall paten[t] s, or by forging unjust tales to hinder our VvtI- 
fare, thath is house were pulled downe, and a paire of gallowes 
made of the wood, and he hanged on them in the place. 

* Pickets. 

^ Jonas Stockden, son of William Stockden, of Berkswell in the county of 
Warwick, England, author of a letter several times printed, which asserted 
the futility of any attempt to civilize or convert the Indians until their 
head men were put to death. He appears to have been the earliest expo- 
nent of the idea that "the only good Indian is a dead Indian." 



348 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1621 

As for those lasie servants, who had rather stand all day 
idle, than worke, though but an houre in this Vineyard ; and 
spend their substance riotously, than cast the superfluity of 
their wealth into your Treasury: I leave them, as they are, 
to the eternall Judge of the world. But you, right worthy, 
that hath adventured so freely ; I will not examine, if it were 
for the glory of God, or your desire of gaine, which, it may be, 
you expect should flow unto you with a full tide ; for the con- 
version of the Salvages, I wonder you use not the meanes,^ 
I confesse you say well to have them converted by faire meanes, 
but they scorne to acknowledge it ; ^ as for the gifts bestowed 
on them they devoure them, and so they would the givers if 
they could: and though they ^ have endevoured by all the 
meanes they could by kindnesse to convert them, they finde 
nothing from them but derision and ridiculous answers. We 
have sent boies amongst them to learne their Language, but 
they returne worse than they went ; but I am no Statesman, 
nor love I to meddle with any thing but my Bookes, but I can 
finde no probability by this course to draw them to goodnesse : 
and I am perswaded if Mars and Minerva ^ goe hand in hand, 
they will effect more good in an houre, then those verball Mer- 
curians^ in their lives; and till their Priests and Ancients have 
their throats cut, there is no hope to bring them to conversion. 

The government of Sir Francis Wyat.^ 

About October arrived Sir Francis Wyat, with Master 
George Sands,'' appointed Treasurer, Master Davison ^ Secre- 

* I.e., for their conversion. ' I.e., the fair means. 
' Those in Virginia who were interested in the w^ork. 

* Force and learning. * Messengers. 

' Sir Francis Wyatt was governor of Virginia from 1621 to 1626, and 
from 1639 to 1642. He was son of George Wyatt, Esquire, and grandson 
of Sir Thomas Wyatt, who was beheaded in the reign of Queen Mary for 
instigating a rebellion to prevent her marriage with Philip II. of Spain. 

' George Sandys, the poet, brother of Sir Edwin Sandys, and youngest son 
of the archbishop of York. While in Virginia he experimented in raising silk- 
worms, had charge of the glass factory, and wrote his translation of Ovid. 

* Christopher Davison, eldest son of Sir William Davison, secretary of 
state under Queen Elizabeth. He died before 1624. 



1621] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTOKIE, BOOK IV. ^49 

tary, Doctor Pot ^ the Physician, and Master Cloyburne the 
Surgian ; ^ but much provision was very badly conditioned, 
nay the Hogs would not eat that Corne they brought, which 
was a great cause of their sicknesse and mortahty ; and what- 
soever is said against the Virginia Corne, they finde it doth 
better nourish than any provision is sent thither. The Sailers 
still they complaine are much to blame for imbeshng the pro- 
visions sent to private men, kilhng of Swine, and disorderly 
trucking ; for which some order would be taken. 

In them nine Ships that went with Sir Francis Wyat not 
one Passenger died. At his arrivall he sent Master Thorpe to 
Opechancanough, whom hee found much satisfied with his 
comming, to confirme their leagues as he had done his Prede- 
cessors, and so contented his people should coinhabit amongst 
them, and hee found more motions of Religion in him than 
could be imagined. Every man betaking himself e to his 
quarter, it was ordered, that for every head they should plant 
but 1000. Plants of Tobacco, and upon each plant nine leaves, 
which will be about 100. weight; the Corne being appointed 
but at two shillings and six pence the bushell, required such 
labour, it caused most men neglect it, and depend upon trade : 
where were it rated at ten shillings the bushell, every man 
would indevour to have plenty to sell to the new commers, or 
any that wanted ; and seldome any is transported from Eng- 
land, but it standeth in as much, besides the hazard ; and other 
necessaries the Ships might transport of that burden. The 
22. of November arrived Master Gookin out of Ireland, with 
fifty men of his owne, and thirty Passengers, exceedingly 
well furnished with all sorts of provision and cattle, and planted 
himselfe at Nupors-newes : ^ the Cotton trees in a yeere grew 
so thicke as ones arme, and so high as a man : here any thing 

^ Dr. John Pott, afterwards deputy-governor in 1629. 

* This should be WiUiam Clayborne, the surveyor. 

' This was the first settlement at Newport News. The name either is 
derived from that of Captain Newport, or means New Port Newce, if, as is 
sometimes said, Daniel Gookin came from Newcestown in Ireland. His son 
Daniel migrated later to Massachusetts, where he became a prominent 
Dublic man^ and died a major-general in 1687. 



350 NAKRATIVES OF EAKLY VIRGINIA [1621 

that is planted doth prosper so well as in no place better. For 
the mortaUty of the people accuse not the place, for of the old 
Planters and the families scarce one of twenty miscarries, onely 
the want of necessaries are the occasions of those diseases.^ 
And so wee will conclude this yeere with the shipping and 
numbers sent. 

Out of the CouNCELS Letters from Virginia. 

This yeere was sent one and twenty saile of Ships that 
imployed more than 400. sailers and 1300. men, women and 
children of divers faculties, with fourescore cattle; the Tiger 
fell in the Turkes hands, yet safely escaped: and by the 
returne of their letters from thence, the company is assured 
there can bee no fitter places of Mines, Wood and Water for 
Iron than there ; and the French men ^ affirme no Country 
is more proper for Vines, OHves, Silke, Rice and Salt, &c. of 
which the next yeere they promise a good quantity. 

Gift^. 

The Gentlemen and Mariners that came in the Royall 
James from the East-Indies, gave towards the building of a 
free Schoole 70 pound, eight shiUings, and six pence ; ^ and an 
unknowne person to further it, sent thirtie pounds; and 
another in Hke manner five and twentie pounds; another re- 
fusing to be made knowne, gave fortie shillings yeerely for a 
Sermon before the Virginia companie : also another that would 
not be knowne, sent for the College at Henrico, many excellent 
good religious bookes, worth ten pound, and a most curious 

^ Climatic influences were, nevertheless, the chief trouble, and the writer 
wisely limits the health of the place to the old planters, who by sickness 
had become "seasoned" to the malaria of the river. 

^ These men had been sent by the Virginia Company to instruct the set- 
tlers how to raise grapes and make wine. They were natives of Languedoc, 
and were seated at Buokroe, near Point Comfort. 

2 The Reverend Patrick Copeland or Copland had incited these East 
India voyagers to make this subscription, for the history of which see Records 
of the Virginia Company, I. 532. 



J021] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 351 

Map of al that coast of America. Master Thomas Bargave * 
their Preacher there deceased, gave a Librarie valued at one 
hundred Markes : and the Inhabitants hath made a contribu- 
tion of one thousand and five hundred pounds, to build a 
house for the entertaining of strangers. This yeere also there 
was much suing for Patents for Plantations, who promised to 
transport such great multitudes of people: there was much 
disputing concerning those divisions, as though the whole 
land had beene too little for them : six and twentie obtained 
their desires, but as yet not past six hath sent thither a man ; 
notwithstanding many of them would have more, and are not 
well contented ; whom I would intreat, and all other wranglers, 
to peruse this saying of honest Claudius. 

See'st not the world of Natures worke, the fairest well, I wot, 

How it, it selfe together ties, as in a true-loves knot. 

Nor seest how th'Elements ayre combin'd, maintaine one constant 

plea, 
How midst of heaven contents the Sunne, and shore containes the 

sea; 
And how the aire both compasseth, and carrieth still earths frame, 
Yet neither pressing burdens it, nor parting leaves the same. 

The observations of Master John Pory Secretarie of Virginia, 

in ?tis travels. 

Having but ten men meanly provided, to plant the Secre- 
taries land on the Easterne shore neere Acomack ^ (Captaine 
Wilcocks plantation), the better to secure and assist each 
other. Sir George Yearley intending to visit Smiths Iles,^ 

^ The Reverend Thomas Bargrave was a brother of Captain George 
Bargrave, came out to Virginia in 1619, and died in 1621. 

^ The reference here is to the peninsula east of Chesapeake Bay, which 
the Indians called Accomac, now occupied by two counties of Virginia, 
Northampton and Accomac. Here in the early part of 1621 Sir George 
Yeardley laid out some of the company's land, and in the fall of 1621 John 
Pory completed the work by settling ten men ther?on as tenants. 

^ Near Cape Charles. Here, in 1614, Sir Thomas Dale established a party 
of men under Lieutenant Craddock for the purpose of making salt out of 
sea water, and called the settlement Dale's Gift. It is probable, however, 
that the settlement was not continued. 



352 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1621 

fell so sicke that he could not, so that he sent me with Estinien 
Moll a French-man, to finde a convenient place to make salt in. 

Not long after Namenacus the King of Pawtuxunt, came 
to us to seeke for Thomas Salvage ^ our Interpreter. Thus 
insinuating himself e, he led us into a thicket, where all sitting 
downe, he shewed us his naked brest; asking if we saw any 
deformitie upon it, we told him. No; No more, said hee, is 
the inside, but as sincere and pure; therefore come freely to 
my Countrie and welcome: which wee promised wee would 
within six weekes after. Ha\ing taken a muster of the com- 
panies tenants; I went to Smiths lies, where was our Salt- 
house : not farre off wee found a more convenient place, and 
so returned to James towne. 

Being furnished the second time, wee arrived at Aquo- 
hanock, and conferred with Kiptopeke their King. Passing 
Russels He and Onaucoke,^ we arrived at Pawtuxunt: the 
discription of those places, you may reade in Captaine Smiths 
discoveries, therefore needlesse to bee writ againe. But here 
arriving at Attoughcomoco the habitation of Namenacus, 
and Wamanato his brother, long wee staied not ere they came 
aboord us with a brasse Kettle, as bright without as within, 
ful of boy led Oisters. Strict order was given none should 
offend us, so that the next day I went with the two Kings a 
hunting, to discover what I could in their confines. Wamanato 
brought mee first to his house, where hee shewed mee his wife 
and children, and many Corne-fields; and being two miles 
within the woods a hunting, as the younger conducted me forth, 
so the elder brought me home, and used me as kindly as he 
could, after their manner. The next day, he presented me 
twelve Bever skinnes and a Canow, which I requited with 
such things to his content, that he promised to keepe them 
whilst hee lived, and burie them with him being dead. Hee 
much wondered at our Bible, but much more to heare it was 
the Law of our God, and the first Chapter of Genesis expounded 

^ Dr. Brown is inclined to think that Ensign Thomas Savage was the 
first permanent settler on the Eastern Shore. His son was John Savage, 
and the family is still represented in Virginia. ' Onanoock. 



1621] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 363 

of Adam and Eve, and simple mariage ; to which he replyed, 
hee was hke Adam in one thing, for he never had but one wife 
at once : but he, as all the rest, seemed more willing of other 
discourses they better understood. The next day, the two 
Kings with their people, came aboord us, but brought nothing 
according to promise; so that Ensigne Salvage challenged 
Namenacus the breach of three promises, viz. not in giving 
him a Boy, nor Corne though they had plentie, nor Moutapass 
(a fugitive called Robert Marcum, that had lived 5. yeeres 
amongst those northerly nations) : which hee cunningly 
answered by excuses. Womanato it seemes, w^as guiltlesse 
of this falshood, because hee staled alone when the rest were 
gone. I asked him if he desired to bee great and rich; he 
answered. They were things all men aspired unto : which I 
told him he should be, if he would follow my counsell, so he 
gave me two tokens, which being returned by a messenger, 
should suffice to make him confident the messenger could not 
abuse us. 

Some things being stolne from us, he tooke such order that 
they were presently restored, then we interchanged presents : 
in all things hee much admired our discretions, and gave us a 
guide that hee called brother, to conduct us up the River: 
by the w^ay we met with divers that stil tould us of Marcum : 
and though it was in October, we found the Countrie very hot, 
and their Corne gathered before ours at James towne. The 
next day, we went to Paccamaganant, and they directed us to 
Assacomoco, where their King Cassatowap had an old quarrell 
with Ensigne Salvage, but now seeming reconciled, went with 
us, with another Werowance, towards Mattapanient, where 
they perswaded us ashore upon the point of a thicket; but 
supposing it some trecherie, we returned to our boat: farre 
we had not gone from the shore, but a multitude of Salvages 
salhed out of the wood, with all the ill words and signes of 
hostiUtie they could. When wee saw plainly their bad intent, 
wee set the two Werowances at fibertie, that all this w^hile had 
fine ^ in the Cabbin, as not taking any notice of their villanie, 

2 A ^ Lain. 



354 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [I62i 

because we would convert them by courtesie. Leaving them 
as we found them, very civill and subtill, wee returned the same 
way wee came to the laughing Kings on the Easterne shore, who 
told us plainly, Namanicus would also have allured him into 
his Countrie, under colour of trade, to cut his throat. Hee told 
us also Opechancanough had imployed Onianimo to kill Sal- 
vage ; because he brought the trade from him to the Easterne 
shore, and some disgrace hee had done his sonne and some 
thirteene of his people before one hundred of those Easterhngs,^ 
in rescuing Thomas Graves whom they would have slaine: 
where hee and three more did challenge the thirteene Pamaun- 
kes to fight, but they durst not ; so that all those Easterhngs 
so derided them, that they came there no more. 

This Thomas Salvage, it is sixteene yeeres since he went to 
Virginia, being a boy, hee was left with Powhatan for Namon- 
tacke, to learne the language : and as this Author ^ affirmeth, 
with much honestie and good successe hath served the pubhke 
without any publike recompence, yet had an arrow shot through 
his body in their service. This laughing King at Accomack, 
tels us the land is not two dales journy over in the broadest 
place, but in some places a man may goe in halfe a day, be- 
twixt the Bay and the maine Ocean, where inhabit many peo- 
ple ; so that by the narrownesse of the Land there is not many 
Deere, but most abundance of Fish and Fowle. Kiptope ^ 
his brother rules as his Lieutenant, who seeing his younger 
brother more affected by the people than himself e, freely 
resigned him the moitie of his Countrie, applying himselfe 
onely to husbandr}^ and hunting, yet nothing neglected in his 
degree ; nor is hee carelesse of any thing concernes the state, 
but as a vigilant and faithfull Counceller, as hee is an affec- 
tionated Brother, bearing the greater burden in government, 
though the lesser honour : where cleane contrary they on the 
Westerne shore, ^ the younger beares the charge, and the elder 
the dignitie. Those are the best husbands ^ of any Salvages 

^ Indians of the Eastern Shore. ^ John Pory. ^ Kiptopeke. 

* I.e., the main part of Virginia, on the western shore of Chesapeake 
Bay. ' Providers. 



1622J SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 355 

we know : for they provide Come to serve them all the yeare, 
yet spare; and the other not for halfe the yeare, yet want. 
They are the most civill and tractable people we have met 
with ; and by little sticks will keepe as just an account of their 
promises, as by a tally. In their manages they observe a 
large distance, as well in affinitie as consanguinitie ; nor doe 
they use that deviHsh custome in making black Boyes/ There 
may be on this shore about two thousand people : they on the 
West would invade them, but that they want Boats to crosse 
the Bay; and so would divers other Nations, were they not 
protected by us. A few of the Westerly Runnagados had 
conspired against the laughing King : but fearing their treason 
Was discovered, fled to Smiths lies, w^here they made a mas- 
sacre of Deere and Hogges ; and thence to Rickahake, betwixt 
Cissapeack ^ and Nansamund, where they now are seated under 
the command of Itoyatin.^ And so I returned to James 
Towne, where I found the government rendred to Sir Francis 
Wyat. In February ^ also he travelled to the South River 
Chawonock, some sixtie miles over land ; which he found to be 
a very fruitfull and pleasant Country, j^eelding two harvests 
in a yeare, and found much of the Silke grasse formerly spoken 
of, was kindly used by the people, and so returned. 

Captaine Each sent to huild a Fort to secure the Countrey. 

It was no small content to all the Adventurers to heare of 
the safe arivall of all those ships and companies, which was 
thought sufficient to have made a Plantation of themselves: 
and againe to second them, was sent Captaine Each in the 
Ahigale, a ship of three or foure hundred tunnes, who hath 
undertaken to make a Block-house amongst the Oyster banks, 
that shall secure the River. The furnishing him with Instru- 
ments, cost three hundred pounds ; but the whole charge and 

^ The reference here is to the rehgious exercises dedicating boys to the 
priesthood. Strachey, Historie of Travaile into Virginia, p. 95. 

^ Chesapeake. ^ Otherwise called Itopatin, or Opitchapan. 

* The margin has the note, "1622. The Earle of Southampton Treasurer, 
and Nicholas Farrar Deputy." 



356 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1622 

the ships returne, will be neere two thousand pounds. In her 
went Captaine Barwicke with five and twentie men for the 
building ships and Boats, and not other waies to be imploied : 
and also a selected number to build the East Indie Schoole/ 
but as yet from Virginia httle returnes but private mens 
Tobacco, and faire promises of plentie of Iron, Silke, Wine, 
and many other good and rich commodities, besides the speedy 
conversion of the Salvages, that at first were much discouraged 
from hving amongst them, when they were debarred the use 
of their peeces ; therefore it was disputed as a matter of State, 
whether such as would live amongst them should use them or 
not, as a bait to allure them; or at least such as should bee 
called to the knowledge of Christ. But because it was a great 
trouble for all causes to be brought to James Towne for a triall. 
Courts were appointed in convenient places to releeve them: 
but as they can make no Lawes in Virginia till they be ratified 
here; so they thinke it but reason, none should bee inacted 
here without their consents, because they onely feele them, 
and must five under them. Still they complaine for want of 
Corne, but what must be had by Trade, and how unwiUing any 
Officer when he leaveth his place, is to make good his number 
of men to his Successor, but many of them during their times 
to help themselves, undoes the Company: for the servants 
you allow them, or such as they hire, they plant on their 
private Lands, not upon that belongeth to their office, which 
crop alwaies exceeds yours, besides those which are your 
tenants to halfes, are forced to row them up and downe,^ 
whereby both you and they lose more then halfe. Nor are 
those officers the ablest or best deserving, but make their 

* This school was to be built at Charles City (City Point) and to have 
dependence on the college at Henrico. The first contribution came from 
some of the East India Company returning from India in the Royal James. 
See p. 350, note 3. Hence the name "East India School." A rector (Rev. 
Patrick Copland) for the college, a master and usher for the school, tenants 
for the college lands, and a manager for the same were selected and all but 
the rector sent to Virginia ; but the Indian massacre of 1622 destroyed them 
all, and effectually crushed out the college and the school. 

' Up and down the river, from one plantation to another. 



1622] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 357 

experience upon the companies cost, and your land lies un- 
manured to any purpose, and will yeeld as little profit to your 
next new officers. 

The massacre upon the two and twentieth of March. ^ 

The Prologue to this Tragedy,^ is supposed was occasioned 
by Nemattanow, otherwise called Jack of the Feather, because 
hee commonly was most strangely adorned with them; and 
for his courage and pohcy, was accounted amongst the Salvages 
their chiefe Captaine, and immortall from any hurt could bee 
done him by the EngHsh. This Captaine comming to one 
Morgans house, knowing he had many commodities that hee 
desired, perswaded Morgan to goe with him to Pamauke to 
trucke, but the Salvage murdered him by the way ; and after 
two or three dales returned againe to Morgans house, where he 
found two youths his Servants, who asked for their Master: 
Jack replied directly he was dead ; the Boyes suspecting as it 
was, by seeing him weare his Cap, would have had him to 
Master Thorp : ^ But Jack so moved their patience, they shot 
him ; so he fell to the ground, put ^ him in a Boat to have him 
before the Governor, then seven or eight miles from them. 
But by the way Jack finding the pangs of death upon him, 
desired of the Boyes two things : the one was, that they would 
not make it knowne hee was slaine with a bullet; the other, 
to bury him amongst the English. At the losse of this Sal- 
vage, Opechankanough much grieved and repined, with great 
threats of revenge; but the EngUsh returned him such ter- 
rible answers, that he cunningly dissembled his intent, with 
the greatest signes he could of love and peace: yet within 
fourteene dales after he acted what followeth. 

Sir Francis Wyat at his arrivall ^ was advertised,^ he foimd 
the Countrey setled in such a firme peace, as most men there 

* Good Friday. 

' Marginal note in the original, '' The death of Nematanow, writ by Master 
Wimp." ' George Thorpe, manager of the college lands. 

* And they put him, etc. ' October, 1621- * Informed. 



358 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1622 

thought sure and unviolable, not onely in regard of their 
promises, but of a necessitie. The poore weake Salvages being 
every way bettered by us, and safely sheltred and defended, 
whereby wee might freely follow our businesse : and such was 
the conceit of this conceited peace, as that there was seldome 
or never a sword, and seldomer a peece, except for a Deere or 
Fowle ; by which assurances the most plantations were placed 
straghngly and scatteringly, as a choice veine of rich ground 
invited them, and further from neighbours the better. Their 
houses generally open to the Salvages, who were alwaies 
friendly fed at their tables, and lodged in their bed-chambers ; 
which made the way plaine to effect their intents, and the 
conversion of the Salvages as they supposed. 

Having occasion to send to Opechankanough about the 
middle of March, hee used the Messenger well, and told him 
he held the peace so firme, the sky should fall or ^ he dissolved 
it ; yet such was the treachery of those people, when they had 
contrived our destruction, even but two dales before the 
massacre, they guided our men with much kindnesse thorow 
the woods, and one Browne that lived among them to learne 
the language, they sent home to his Master. Yea, they bor- 
rowed our Boats to transport themselves over the River, to 
consult on the devilUsh murder that insued, and of our utter 
extirpation, which God of his mercy (by the meanes of one of 
themselves converted to Christianitie) prevented; and as 
well on the Friday morning that fatall day, being the two 
and twentieth of March, as also in the evening before, as at 
other times they came unarmed into our houses, with Deere, 
Turkies, Fish, Fruits, and other provisions to sell us : yea in 
some places sat downe at breakfast with our people, whom 
immediatly with their owne toules they slew most barbar- 
ously, not sparing either age or sex, man woman or childe; 
so sudden in their execution, that few or none discerned the 
weapon or blow that brought them to destruction. In 
which manner also they slew many of our people at severall 
works in the fields, well knowing in what places and quarters 

* Before. 



1622] SMITH'S GE]N'EKALL HISTOKIE, BOOK IV. 359 

each of our men were, in regard of their famiharitie with us, 
for the effecting that great master-peece of worke their con- 
version : and by this meanes fell that fatall morning under the 
bloudy and barbarous hands of that perfidious and inhumane 
people, three hundred forty seven men, women and children; 
mostly by their owne weapons; and not being content with 
their lives, they fell againe upon the dead bodies, making as 
well as they could a fresh murder, defacing, dragging, and 
mangling their dead carkases into many peeces, and carrying 
some parts away in derision, with base and brutish triumph. 

Neither yet did these beasts spare those amongst the rest 
well knowne unto them, from whom they had daily received 
many benefits; but spightfully also massacred them without 
any remorse or pitie: being in this more fell then Lions and 
Dragons, as Histories record, which have preserved their 
Benefactors; such is the force of good deeds, though done to 
cruell beasts, to take humanitie upon them, but these mis- 
creants put on a more unnaturall brutishnesse then beasts, 
as by those instances may appeare. 

That worthy religious Gentleman M. George Thorp, Deputie 
to the College lands, sometimes one of his Majesties Pensioners, 
and in command one of the principall in Virginia ; did so truly 
effect ^ their conversion, that whosoever under him did them 
the least displeasure, were punished severely. He thought 
nothing too deare for them, he never denied them any thing ; 
in so much that when they complained that our Mastives did 
feare ^ them, he to content them in all things, caused some of 
them to be killed in their presence, to the great displeasure of 
the owners, and would have had all the rest guelt to make 
them the milder, might he have had his will. The King ^ 
dwelUng but in a Cottage, he built him a faire house after the 
EngHsh fashion: in which he tooke such pleasure, especially 
in the locke and key, which he so admired, as locking and un- 
locking his doore a hundred times a day, he thought no device 
in the world comparable to it. 

» Affect. '^ Frighten. ' Opechancanough. 



360 NAKRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1622 

Thus insinuating himselfe into this Kings favour for his 
rehgious purpose, he conferred oft with him about ReHgion, 
as many other in this former Discourse had done: and this 
Pagan confessed to him (as he did to them) our God was better 
then theirs, and seemed to be much pleased with that Dis- 
course, and of his company, and to requite all those courtesies ; 
yet this viperous brood did, as the sequell shewed, not onely 
murder him, but with such spight and scorne abused his dead 
corps as is unfitting to be heard with civill eares. One thing 
I cannot omit, that when this good Gentleman upon his fatall 
houre, was warned by his man, who perceiving some treachery 
intended by those hell-hounds, to looke to himselfe, and withall 
ran away for feare he should be apprehended, and so saved 
his owne life ; yet his Master out of his good meaning was so 
void of suspition and full of confidence, they had slaine him 
or ^ he could or would beleeve they would hurt him. Captaine 
Nathaniel Powell ^ one of the first Planters, a vaUant Souldier, 
and not any in the Countrey better knowne amongst them; 
yet such was the error of an overconceited power and pros- 
peritie, and their simplicities, they not onely slew him and his 
family, but butcher-like hagled their bodies, and cut off his 
head, to expresse their uttermost height of cruelty. Another 
of the old company of Captaine Smith, called Nathaniel Causie, 
being cruelly wounded, and the Salvages about him, with an 
axe did cleave one of their heads, whereby the rest fled and he 
escaped : for they hurt not any that did either fight or stand 
upon their guard. In one place, where there was but two men 
that had warning of it, [they] defended the house against sixty 
or more that assaulted it. M. Baldwin at Warraskoyack/ his 

^ Before. 

' He came with the first settlers in 1607 to Virginia, and for ten days 
acted as governor after the departure of Captain Samuel Argall for England 
at Easter in 1619. He married Joyce, daughter of William Tracy, one of 
the proprietors of Berkeley Hundred, who was massacred with her. His 
place of 600 acres called Powell Brook lay on the creek which bears his 
name not far from the mouth of the Appomattox River. 

^ The plantations in Isle of Wight County on the south side of the James 
from Lawne's Creek to Day's Point were called Warrascoyack. 



1622] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV 361 

wife being so wounded, she lay for dead; yet by his oft dis- 
charging of his peece, saved her, his house, himselfe, and divers 
others. At the same time they came to one Master Harisons 
house, neere halfe a mile from Baldwines, where was Master 
Thomas Hamer ^ with six men, and eighteene or nineteene 
women and children. Here the Salvages with many presents 
and faire perswasions, fained they came for Capt. Ralfe Hamer 
to go to their King, then hunting in the woods : presently they 
sent to him, but he not comming as they expected, set fire of a 
Tobacco-house, and then came to tell them in the dwelling 
house of it to quench it ; all the men ran towards it but Master 
Hamer, not suspecting any thing, whom the Salvages pursued, 
shot them full of arrowes, then beat out their braines. Hamer 
having finished a letter hee was a writing, followed after to see 
what was the matter, but quickly they shot an arrow in his 
back, which caused him returne and barricado up the doores, 
whereupon the Salvages set fire on the house. Harisons Boy 
finding his Masters peece loaded, discharged it at randome, at 
which bare report the Salvages all fled, Baldwin still discharging 
his peece, and Mr. Hamer with two and twentie persons thereby 
got to his house, leaving their owne burning. In Uke manner, 
they had fired Lieutenant Basse ^ his house, with all the rest 
there about, slaine the people, and so left that Plantation. 

Captaine Hamer all this while not knowing any thing, 
comining to his Brother that had sent for him to go hunt 
with the King, meeting the Salvages chasing some yet escaped, 
retired to his new house then a building, from whence he came ; 
there onely with spades, axes, and brickbats, he defended him- 
selfe and his Company till the Salvages departed. Not long 
after, the Master from the ship had sent six Musketiers, with 
which he recovered their Merchants store-house, where he 
armed ten more ; and so with thirtie more unarmed workmen, 
found his Brother and the rest at Baldwins. Now seeing all 
they had was burnt and consumed, they repaired to James 

* Brother of Captain Ralph Hamor. 

' Nathaniel Basse, who had his settlement at Basse's Choice on the 
west side of Pagan River Bay. 



362 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA C1622 

Towne with their best expedition ; yet not far from Martins hun- 
dred, where seventy three were slaine, was a Httle house and 
a small family, that heard not of any of this till two dales after. 

All those, and many others whom they have as mali- 
ciously murdered, sought the good of those poore brutes, that 
thus despising Gods mercies, must needs now as miscreants 
be corrected by Justice: to which leaving them, I will knit 
together the thred of this discourse. 

At the time of the massacre, there were three or foure ships 
in James River, and one in the next ; and daily more to come in, 
as there did within foureteene dales after ; one of which they in- 
devoured to have surprised : yet were the hearts of the English 
ever stupid, and averted from beleeving anything might weaken | 
their hopes, to win them by kinde usage to Christianitie. But 
divers write from thence, that Almighty God hath his great 
worke in this Tragedy, and will thereout draw honor and glory to 
his name, and a more flourishing estate and safetie to themselves, 
and with more speed to convert the Salvage children to himself e, 
since he so miraculously hath preserved the English; there 
being yet, God be praised, eleven parts of twelve remaining,^ 
whose carelesse neglect of their owne safeties, seemes to have 
beene the greatest cause of their destructions: yet you see, 
God by a converted Salvage that disclosed the plot, saved the 
rest, and the Pinnace then in Pamaunkes River, whereof (say 
they) though our sinnes made us unworthy of so glorious a 
conversion, yet his infinite wisdome can neverthelesse bring it 
to passe, and in good time, by such meanes as we thinke most 
unhkely: for in the deUvery of them that survive, no mans 
particular carefulnesse saved one person, but the meere good- 
nesse of God himselfe, freely and miraculously preserving whom 
he pleased. 

The Letters of Master George Sands, a worthy Gentle- 
man, and many others besides them returned, brought us this 

^ ''Eleven parts of twelve" would be 3817 persons, which seems to be a 
great exaggeration. In March, 1622, there were only 1240 persons resident 
in Virginia, and of them 347 were killed by the Indians, March 22, which 
reduced the number to 893. Brown, First Republic, p. 464. 



1022J SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 363 

unwelcome newes, that hath beene heard at large in pubhke 
Court, that the Indians and they hved as one Nation : yet by 
a generall combination in one day plotted to subvert the whole 
Colony, and at one instant, though our severall Plantations 
were one hundred and fortie miles up on River on both sides. 

But for the better understanding of all things, you must 
remember these wilde naked natives live not in great numbers 
together; but dispersed, commonly in thirtie, fortie, fiftie, 
or sixtie in a company. Some places have two hundred, few 
places more, but many lesse ; yet they had all warning given 
them one from another in all their habitations, though farre 
asunder, to meet at the day and houre appointed for our destruc- 
tion at al our several Plantations ; some directed to one place, 
some to another, all to be done at the time appointed, which 
they did accordingl}^ Some entring their houses under colour 
of trading, so tooke their advantage ; others drawing us abroad 
under f aire pretences ; and the rest suddenly f alUng upon those 
that were at their labours. 

Six of the counsel^ suffered under this treason, and the 
slaughter had beene universall, if God had not put it into the 
heart of an Indian, who lying in the house of one Pace, was 
urged by another Indian his Brother, that lay with him the 
night before, to kill Pace, as he should doe Perry which was his 
friend, being so commanded from their King : telling him also 
how the next day the execution should be finished. Perrys 
Indian presently arose and reveales it to Pace, that used him 
as his Sonne; and thus them that escaped was saved by this 
one converted Infidell. And though three hundred fortie 
seven were slaine, yet thousands of ours were by the meanes 
of this alone thus preserved ; for which Gods name be praised 
for ever and ever. 

Pace upon this, securing his house, before day rowed to 
James Towne, and told the Governor of it, whereb}^ they 
were prevented, and at such other Plantations as possibly 
intelUgence could be given : and where they saw us upon our 

* These were George Thorpe, Nathaniel Powell, John Berkeley, Samuel 
Macock, John Rolfe, Michael Lapworth. 



364 NAKKATIVKS OF EARLY VIRGINIA [ltJ22 

guard, at the sight of a peece they ranne away ; but the rest 
were most slaine, their houses burnt, such Armes and Munition 
as they found they tooke away, and some cattell also they 
destroied. Since, wee finde Opechankanough the last yeare ^ 
had practised with a King on the Easterne shore, to furnish 
him with a kind of poison, which onely growes in his Country 
to poison us. But of this bloudy acte never grief e and shame 
possessed any people more then themselves, to be thus butch- 
ered by so naked and cowardly a people, who dare not stand 
the presenting of a staffe in manner of a peece, nor an uncharged 
peece in the hands of a woman. (But I must tell those Authors, 
though some might be thus cowardly, there were many of them 
had better spirits.) ^ 

Thus have you heard the particulars of this massacre, 
which in those respects some say will be good for the Planta- 
tion, because now we have just cause to destroy them by all 
meanes possible : but I thinke it had beene much better it had 
never happened, for they have given us an hundi'ed times as 
just occasions long agoe to subject them, (and I wonder I can 
heare of none but Master Stockam and Master AVhitaker of 
my opinion.) Moreover, where before we w^ere troubled in 
cleering the ground of great Timber, which was to them of 
small use: now we may take their owne plaine fields and 
Habitations, which are the pleasantest places in the Countrey. 
Besides, the Deere, Turkies, and other Beasts and Fowles will 
exceedingly increase if we beat the Salvages out of the Coun- 
trey : for at all times of the yeare they never spare Male nor 
Female, old nor young, egges nor birds, fat nor leane, in season 
or out of season; with them all is one. The like they did in 
our Swine and Goats, for they have used to kill eight in 
tenne more then we, or else the wood would most plentifully 
abound with victuall ; besides it is more easie to civilize them 
by conc{uest then faire meanes; for the one may be made at 
once, but their civilizing will require a long time and much 
industry. The manner how to suppresse them is so often 
related and approved, I omit it here: And you have twenty 

* 1621. 'A comment by Smith. 



1622] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTOKIE, BOOK IV. 366 

examples of the Spaniards how they got the West-Indies, and 
forced the treacherous and rebelHous Infidels to doe all man- 
ner of drudgery worke and slavery for them, themselves U\dng 
hke Souldiers upon the fruits of their labours. This will make 
us more circumspect, and be an example to posteritie: (But 
I say, this might as well have beene put in practise sixteene 
yeares agoe as now). 

Thus upon this Anvill shall wee now beat our selves an 
Armour of proofe hereafter to defend us against such incur- 
sions, and ever hereafter make us more circumspect: but to 
helpe to repaire this losse, besides his Majesties bounty in 
Armes he gave the Company out of the Tower, and divers 
other Honorable persons have renewed their adventures, we 
must not omit the Honorable Citie of London, to whose end- 
lesse praise wee may speake it, are now setting forward one 
hundred persons : and divers others at their owne costs are a 
repairing ; and all good men doe thinke never the worse of the 
businesse for all these disasters. 

What growing state was there ever in the world which 
had not the hke? Rome grew by oppression, and rose upon 
the backe of her enemies : and the Spaniards have had many 
of those counterbuffes, more than we. Columbus, upon his 
returne from the West-Indies into Spaine, having left his 
people with the Indies, in peace and promise of good usage 
amongst them, at his returne backe found not one of them 
Uving, but all treacherously slaine by the Salvages. After 
this againe, when the Spanish Colonies were increased to great 
numbers, the Indians from whom the Spaniards for trucking 
stuffe used to have all their come, generally conspired together 
to plant no more at all, intending thereby to famish them; 
themselves living in the meane time upon Cassava, a root to 
make bread, onely then knowne to themselves. This plot of 
theirs by the Spaniards oversight, that foohshly depended upon 
strangers for their bread, ^ tooke such effect, and brought them 
to such misery by the rage of famine, that they spared no iin- 

*"A lamentable example too oft approved [i.e., proved]," says the 
margin. 



366 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1622 

cleane nor loathsome beast, no not the poisonous and hideous 
Serpents, but eat them up also, devouring one death to save 
them from another; and by this meanes their whole Colony 
well-neere surfeted, sickned and died miserably. And when 
they had againe recovered this losse, by their incontinency an 
infinite number of them died on the Indian disease, we call the 
French Pox, which at first being a strange and an unknowne 
malady, was deadly upon whomsoever it Hghted. Then had 
they a little flea called Nigua, which got betweene the skinne 
and the flesh before they were aware, and there bred and 
multipHed, making swelHngs and putrifactions, to the decay 
and losse of many of their bodity members. 

Againe, divers times they were neere undone by their 
ambition, faction, and malice of the Commanders. Columbus, 
to whom they were also much beholden, was sent with his 
Brother in chaines into Spaine; and some other great Com- 
manders killed and murdered one another. Pizzaro was killed 
by Almagros sonne, and him Vasco ^ beheaded ; which Vasco 
was taken by Blasco, and Blasco was likewise taken by Piz- 
zaros Brother: And thus by their covetous and spightfull 
quarrels, they were ever shaking the maine pillars of their 
Common-weale. These and many more mischief es and calami- 
ties hapned them, more then ever did to us, and at one time 
being even at the last gaspe, had two ships not arrived with 
supplies as they did, they were so disheartned, they were a 
leaving the Countrey: yet we see for all those miseries they 
have attained to their ends at last, as is manifest to all the 
world, both with honour, power, and wealth; and whereas 
before few could be hired to goe to inhabit there, now with 
great sute they must obtaine it ; ^ but where there was no hon- 
esty, nor equity, nor sanctitie, nor veritie, nor pietie, nor good 
civilitie in such a Countrey, certainly there can bee no stabilitie. 

Therefore let us not be discouraged, but rather animated 
by those conclusions, seeing we are so well assured of the 

^ By Vasco the writer means Vaca de Castro, Pizarro's successor as gov- 
ernor of Peru ; by Blasco, the viceroy Blasco Nunez Vela. 
* Permission to go. 



1622] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTOKIE, BOOK IV. 367 

goodnesse and commodities may bee had in Virginia; nor is 
it to be much doubted there is any want of Mines of most sorts, 
no not of the richest, as is well knowne to some yet Hving that 
can make it manifest when time shall serve : and yet to thinke 
that gold and silver ]\Iines are in a country otherwise most 
rich and fruitfull, or the greatest wealth in a Plantation, is but 
a popular error ; as is that opinion hkewise, that the gold and 
silver is now the greatest wealth of the West Indies at this 
present. True it is indeed, that in the first conquest the 
Spaniards got great and mighty store of treasure from the 
Natives, which they in long space had heaped together; and 
in those times the Indians shewed them entire and rich Mines, 
w^hich now by the relations of them that have beene there, 
are exceedingly wasted, so that now the charge of getting those 
Metals is growne excessive, besides the consuming the Hves 
of many by their pestilent smoke and vapours in digging and 
refining them, so that all things considered, the cleere gaines 
of those metals, the Kings part defraied, to the Adventurers 
is but small, and nothing neere so much as vulgarly is imagined. 
And were it not for other rich Commodities there that inrich 
them, those of the Contraction House * were never able to 
subsist by the Mines onely; for the greatest part of their 
Commodities are partly naturall, and partly transported from 
other parts of the world, and planted in the West-Indies, as 
in their mighty wealth of Sugar canes, being first transported 
from the Canaries; and in Ginger and other things brought 
out of the East-Indies, in their Cochanele, Indicos, Cotton, and 
their infinite store of Hides, Quick-silver, Allum, Woad, 
Brasill woods, Dies, Paints, Tobacco, Gums, Balmes, Giles, 
Medicinals and Perfumes, Sassaparilla, and many other phys- 
icall drugs: These are the meanes whereby they raise that 
mighty charge of drawing out their gold and silver to the great 
and cleare revenue of their King. Now seeing the most of 

'"Contraction" for '' Contractation." The Casa de Contratacion at 
Seville was the India House of Spain, where the Board of Colonial Trade 
held its sessions and administered in economic respects the Spanish colonial 
empire. 



368 NARRATIVES UF EARLY VIRGINIA [1922 

those commodities, or as usefull, may be had in Virginia by 
the same meanes, as I have formerly said ; let us with all speed 
take the priority of time, where also may be had the priority 
of place, in chusing the best seats of the Country ; which now 
by vanquishing the salvages, is like to offer a more faire and 
ample choice of fruitfull habitations, then hitherto our gentle- 
nesse and faire comportments could attaine unto. 

The numbers that were slaine in those sever all Plantations. 

1 At Captaine Berkleys Plantation, himself e and 21. 

others, seated at the Falhng-Crick, 66. miles from 
James City. 22 

2 Master Thomas Sheffelds Plantation, some three miles 

from the FaUing-Crick, himself e and 12. others. 18 

3 At Henrico Hand, about two miles from Sheffelds 

Plantation. 6 

4 Slaine of the College people, twenty miles from Henrico. 17 

5 At Charles City, and of Captaine Smiths men. 5 

6 At the next adjoyning Plantation. 8 

7 At William Farrars house. 10 

8 At Brickley hundred,^ fifty miles from Charles City, 

Master Thorp and 10 

9 At Westover, a mile from Brickley. 2 

10 At Master John Wests Plantation. 2 

11 At Captaine Nathaniel Wests Plantation. 2 

12 At Lieutenant Gibs his Plantation. 12 

13 At Richard Owens house, himself e and 6 

14 At Master Owen Macars house, himselfe and 3 

15 At Martins hundred, seven miles from James City. 73 

16 At another place. 7 

17 At Edward Bonits ' Plantation. 50 

18 At Master Waters his house, himselfe ^ and 4 

19 At Apamatucks River, at Master Perce his Plantation. 

five miles from the College. 4 

* Berkeley Hundred. ' Bennett's 

' This was a mistake. Edward Waters escaped. 



1«22] SMITH'S GENEEALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 369 

20 At Master Macocks Divident, Captaine Samuel Macock 

and 4 

21 At Flowerda hundred, Sir George Yearleys Plantation. 6 

22 On the other side opposite to it. 7 

23 At Master Swinhows house, himselfe and 7 

24 At Master WilUam Bickars house, himselfe and 4 

25 At Weanock, of Sir George Yearleys people. 21 
2b At Powel Brooke, Captaine Nathaniel Powel, and 12 

27 At South-hampton hundred. 5 

28 At Martin Brandons hundred. 7 

29 At Captaine Henry Spilmans house. 2 

30 At Ensigne Spences house. 5 

31 At Master Thomas Perse his house by Mulbery He, 

himselfe and 4 

The whole number 347. 

Men in this taking bettered with affliction, 
Better attend, and mind, and marke Religion, 
For then true voyces issue from their hearts. 
Then speake they what they thinke in inmost parts, 
The truth remaines, they cast off fained Arts. 

This lamentable and so unexpected a disaster caused them 
all beleeve the opinion of Master Stockam, and drave them all 
to their wits end. It was twenty or thirty dales ere they could 
resolve what to doe, but at last it was concluded, all the petty 
Plantations should be abandoned, and drawne onely to make 
good five or six places, where all their labours now for the 
most part must redound to the Lords of those Lands where 
they were resident. Now for want of Boats, it was impossible 
upon such a sudden to bring also their cattle, and many other 
things, which with much time, charge and labour they had 
then in possession with them ; all which for the most part at 
their departure was burnt, ruined and destroyed by the Sal- 
vages. Only Master Gookins at Nuports-newes would not 
obey the Commanders command in that, though hee had 
scarce five and thirty of all sorts ^ with him, yet he thought 

' Boys and men. 

25 



370 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [l«22 

himselfe sufficient against what could happen, and so did to 
his great credit and the content of his Adventurers. Master 
Samuel Jorden gathered together but a few of the straglers 
about him at Beggers-bush, where he fortified and lived in 
despight of the enemy. Nay, Mistrisse Proctor, a proper, 
civill, modest Gentlewoman did the Uke, till perforce the 
English Officers forced her and all them with her to goe with 
them, or they would fire her house themselves ; as the Salvages 
did when they were gone, in whose despight they had kept it 
and what they had, a moneth or three weekes after the Mas- 
sacre ; which was to their hearts a griefe beyond comparison, 
to lose all they had in that manner, onely to secure others 
pleasures. 

Now here in England it was thought,^ all those remainders 
might presently have beene reduced into fifties or hundreds 
in places most convenient with what they had, having such 
strong houses as they reported they had, which with smafi 
labour might have beene made in\ancible Castles against all 
the Salvages in the Land: and then presently raised a com- 
pany, as a running Armie to torment the Barbarous and secure 
the rest, and so have had all that Country betwixt the Rivers 
of Powhatan and Pamaunke to range and sustaine them: 
especially all the territories of Kecoughtan, Chiskact and 
Paspahege, from Ozenies to that branch of Pamaunke, com- 
ming from Youghtanund, which strait of land is not past 
4. or 5. miles, to have made a peninsula much bigger then the 
Summer lies, invironed with the broadest parts of those two 
maine Rivers, which for plenty of such things as Virginia 
affords is not to be exceeded, and were it well manured, more 
then sufficient for ten thousand men. Tliis, were it well 
understood, cannot but be thought better then to bring five 
or six hundred to lodge and live on that, which before would 
not well receive and maintaine a hundred, planting fittle or 
nothing, but spend that they have upon hopes out of England, 
one evill begetting another, till the disease is past cure. There- 

* The margin has a note against this paragraph, " The opinion of Captains 
Smith." 



1622] SMITHES GENERALL HISTOKIE, BOOK IV. 371 

fore it is impossible but such courses must produce most feare- 
full miseries and extreme extremities ; if it prove otherwise, I 
should be exceeding glad. I confesse I am somewhat too bold 
to censure other mens actions being not present, but they 
have done as much of me; yea many here in England that 
were never there, and also many there that knowes httle more 
then their Plantations, but as they are informed: and this 
doth touch the glory of God, the honour of my Country, and 
the publike good so much, for which there hath beene so many 
faire pretences, that I hope none will be angry for speaking 
my opinion; seeing the old Proverbe doth allow losers leave 
to speake, and Du Bartas ^ saith, 

Even as the wind the angry Ocean moves, 
Wave hunteth Wave, and Billow Billow shoves, 
So doe all Nations justell each the other, 
And so one people doe pursue another, 
And scarce a second hath the first unhoused, 
Before a third him thence againe have roused. 

Amongst the multitude of these severall Relations, it 
appeares Captaine Nuse ^ seeing many of the difficulties to 
ensue, caused as much Corne to be planted as he could at 
Ehzabeths city, and though some destroyed that they had set, 
fearing it would serve the Salvages for Ambuscadoes, trusting 
to releefe by trade, or from England (which hath ever beene 
one cause of our miseries, for from England wee have not had 
much: and for trading, every one hath not Ships, Shalops, 
Interpreters, men and provisions to performe it; and those 
that have, use them onely for their owne private gaine, not 
the pubhke good), so that our beginning this yeere doth cause 
many to distrust the event of the next. Here wee will leave 
Captaine Nuse for a while, lamenting the death of Captaine 
Norton, a vahant industrious Gentleman, adorned with many 
good quaUties, besides Physicke and Chirurgery, which for 

' Guillaume du Bartas, whose epic, La Creation, translated into English 
by Joshua Sylvester, was one of the most popular poems of the time. 
' Captain Thomas Newce, a member of the Council. 



372 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1622 

the publike good he freely imparted to all gratiSy but most 
bountifully to the poore ; and let us speake a httle of Captaine 
Croshaw amongst the midst of those broiles in the River of 
Patawomeke. 

Being in a small Barke called the Elizabeth, under the com- 
mand of Captaine Spilman, at Cekacawone/ a Salvage stole 
aboord them, and told them of the Massacre ; and that Opechan- 
canough had plotted with his King and Countrey to betray 
them also, which they refused : but them of Wighcocomoco at 
the mouth of the river had undertaken it. Upon this Spilman 
went thither, but the Salvages seeing his men so vigilant and 
well armed, they suspected themselves discovered, and to 
colour their guilt, the better to delude him, so contented his 
desire in trade, his Pinnace was neere fraught ; but seeing no 
more to be had, Croshaw went to Patawomek, where he in- 
tended to stay and trade for himselfe, by reason of the long 
acquaintance he had with this King that so earnestly entreated 
him now to be his friend, his countenancer, his Captaine and 
director against the Pazaticans, the Nacotchtanks,^ and 
Moyaons his mortall enemies. Of this oportunity Croshaw 
was glad, as well to satisfie his owne desire in some other pur- 
pose he had, as to keepe the King as an opposite to Opechan- 
canough, and adhere him unto us, or at least make him an 
instrument against our enemies ; so onely Elis Hill stayed with 
him, and the Pinnace returned to Ehzabeths City ; here shall 
they rest also a little, till we see how this newes was entertained 
in England. 

It was no small griefe to the Councell and Company, to 
understand of such a supposed impossible losse, as that so 
many should fall by the hands of men so contemptible ; and 
yet having such warnings, especially by the death of Nemat- 
tanow, whom the Salvages did thinke was shot-free,^ as he 
had perswaded them, having so long escaped so many dangers 
without any hurt. But now to leape out of this labyrinth of 
melancholy, all this did not so discourage the noble adventurers, 
nor divers others still to undertake new severall Plantations ; 

' Chicacoan. ^ Nacostans. ' Immune from shot. 



1622] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTOPvIE, BOOK IV. 373 

but that divers ships were dispatched away, for their suppHes 
and assistance thought sufficient. Yet Captaine Smith did in- 
treat and move them to put in practise his old offer ; seeing now 
it was time to use both it and him, how slenderly heretofore 
both had beene regarded, and because it is not impertinent to 
the businesse, it is not much amisse to remember what it was.^ 

The project and offer of Captaine John Smith, to the Right Honour- 
able and Right Worship full Company of Virginia. 

If you please I may be transported with a hundred Souldiers 
and thirty Sailers by the next Michaelmas,^ with victuall, 
munition, and such necessary provision ; by Gods assistance, 
we would endevour to inforce the Salvages to leave their 
Country, or bring them in that feare and subjection that every 
man should follow their businesse securely. Whereas now 
halfe their times and labours are spent in watching and ward- 
ing, onely to defend, but altogether unable to suppresse the 
Salvages: because every man now being for himselfe will be 
unwilUng to be drawne from their particular labours, to be 
made as pack-horses for all the rest, without any certainty of 
some better reward and preferment then I can understand any 
there can or will yet give them. 

These ^ I would imploy onely in ranging the Countries, 
and tormenting the Salvages, and that they should be as a 
running Army till this were affected; and then settle them- 
selves in some such convenient place, that should ever remaine 
a garison of that strength, ready upon any occasion against the 
Salvages, or any other for the defence of the Countrey, and to 
see all the Enghsh well armed, and instruct them their use.^ 
But I would have a Barke of one hundred tunnes, and meanes 
to build sixe or seven Shalops, to transport them where there 
should bee occasion. 

Towards the charge, because it is for the generall good, 
and what by the massacre and other accidents, Virginia is 

* The Records of the Virginia Company seem to contain no trace of these 
proposals of Smith, nor of the response to them which follows. 

- September 29, 1622. ^ I.e., soldiers. * I.e., in the use of firearms. 



374 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VltlGlNIA [1622 

disparaged, and many men and their purses much discouraged, 
however a great many doe hasten to goe, thinking to bee next 
heires to all the former losses, I feare they will not finde all 
things as they doe imagine ; therefore leaving those gilded con- 
ceits, and dive into the true estate of the Colony ; I thinke if 
his Majestic were truly informed of their necessitie, and the 
benefit of tliis project, he would be pleased to give the custome * 
of Virginia ; and the Planters also according to their abiUties 
would adde thereto such a contribution, as would be fit to 
maintaine this garison till they be able to subsist, or cause some 
such other collections to be made, as may put it with all ex- 
pedition in practice : otherwise it is much to be doubted, there 
will neither come custome, nor any thing from thence to Eng- 
land within these few yeares. 

Now if this should be thought an imploiment more fit for 
ancient ^ Souldiers there bred, then such new coinmers as may 
goe with me ; you may please to leave that to ray discretion, 
to accept or refuse such voluntaries, that will hazard their 
fortunes in the trialls of these events, and discharge such of 
my company that had rather labour the ground then subdue 
their enemies: what releefe I should have from your Colony 
I would satisfie, and spare them (when I could) the hke courte- 
sie. Notwithstanding these doubts, I hope to feede them as 
as well as defend them, and yet discover 3^ou more land im- 
knowne then they all yet know, if you will grant me such 
priviledges as of necessity must be used. 

For against any enemy we must be ready to execute the 
best can be devised by your state there, but not that they 
shall either take away my men, or any thing else to imploy 
as they please by vertue of their authority : and in that I have 
done somewhat for New-England as well as Virginia, so I 
would desire liberty and authority to make the best use I can 
of my best experiences, within the limits of those two Patents, 
and to bring them both in one Map, and the Countries betwixt 
them, giving alwaies that respect to the Governors and 
government, as an Enghshman doth, in Scotland, or a Scotch- 

* Custom-house dues. ' Experienced. 



1622] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 376 

man in England, or as the regiments in the Low-countries* doe 
to the Governors of the Townes and Cities where thev are 
bilhted, or in Garrison, where though they Uve with them, and 
are as their servants to defend them, yet not to be disposed 
on at their pleasure, but as the Prince and State doth command 
them. And for my owne paines in particular I aske not any 
thing but what I can produce from the proper labour of the 
Salvages. 

Their Answer, 

I cannot say, it was generally for the Cbmpany, for being 
published in their Court, ^ the most that heard it Hked exceeding 
well of the motion, and some would have been very large 
Adventurers in it, especially Sir John Brookes and Master 
David Wyffin, but there were such divisions amongst them, I 
could obtaine no answer but this, the charge would be too 
great; their stocke was decayed, and they did thinke the 
Planters should doe that of themselves if I could finde meanes 
to effect it; they did thinke I might have leave of the Com- 
pany, provided they might have halfe the pillage, but I thinke 
there are not many will much strive for that imploiment, for 
except it be a little Corne at some time of the yeere is to be 
had, I would not give twenty pound for all the pillage is to be 
got amongst the Salvages in twenty yeeres : but because they 
supposed I spake only for my owne ends, it were good those 
understand pro\ddents ^ for the Companies good they so much 
talke of, were sent thither to make triall of their profound 
wisdomes and long experiences. 

About this time also was propounded a proposition con- 
cerning a Sallery of five and twenty thousand pounds to be 
raised out of Tobacco, as a yeerely pension to bee paid to cer- 
taine Officers for the erecting a new office, concerning the sole 
importation of Tobacco, besides his Majesties custome, fraught, 
and all other charges. To nominate* the undertakers, fa- 

^ I.e., the British auxiliary troops which for many years were main- 
tained in the service of the Dutch Republic. 
' Stockholders' meeting. 
' Understandine orovidents, i.e., wise providers. "• Name. 



376 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1622 

vourers and opposers, with their arguments (pro) and (con) 
would bee too tedious and needlesse being so pubUkely knowne ; 
the which to estabhsh, spent a good part of that yeere, and the 
beginning of the next. This made many thinke wonders of 
Virginia, to pay such pensions extraordinary to a few here 
that were never there, and also in what state and pompe some 
Chieftaines and divers of their associates live in Virginia ; and 
yet no money to maintaine a Garrison, pay poore men their 
wages, nor yet five and twenty pence to all the Adventurers 
here, and very little to the most part of the Planters there, 
bred such differences in opinion it^ was dissolved. 

Now let us returne to Captaine Croshaw at Patawomek, 
where he had not beene long ere Opechancanough sent two 
baskets of beads to this King, to kill him and his man, assuring 
him of the Massacre he had made, and that before the end of 
two Moones there should not be an Enghshman in all their 
Countries : this fearefull message the King told this Captaine, 
who rephed, he had seene both the cowardise and trechery 
of Opechancanough sufficiently tried by Captaine Smith, ^ 
therefore liis threats he feared not, nor for his favour cared, 
but would nakedly fight with him or any of his with their 
owne swords ; if he were slaine, he would leave a letter for his 
Country men to know, the fault was his owne, not the Kings. 
Two dales the King deliberated upon an answer, at last told 
him the EngHsh were his friends, and the Salvage Emperour 
Opitchapam, now called Toyatan, was his brother; therefore 
there should be no bloud shed betwixt them : for hee returned 
the Presents, willing the Pamaunkes to come no more in his 
Country, lest the English, though against his will, should doe 
them any mischief e. 

Not long after, a Boat going abroad to seeke out some 
releefe amongst the Plantations, by Nuports-newes met such 
ill weather, though the men were saved they lost their boat, 
which the storme and waves cast upon the shore of Nandsa- 
mund : where Edward Waters one of the three that first stayed 

^ The charter. » At Pamuiikey in 1609. 



1622] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTOKIE, BOOK IV. 377 

in Summer lies, and found the great peece of Amber-greece, 
dwelling in Virginia at this Massacre, hee and his wife these 
Nandsamunds kept Prisoners till it chanced they found this 
Boat ; at which purchase they so rejoyced, according to their 
custome of triumph, with songs, dances and invocations. 
They were so busied, that Waters and his wife found oppor- 
tunity to get secretly into their Canow, and so crossed the 
River to Kecoughtan, which is nine or ten miles: whereat 
the English no lesse wondred and rejoyced, then the Salvages 
were madded with discontent. Thus you may see how many 
desperate dangers some men escape, when others die that have 
all things at their pleasure. 

All men thinking Captaine Croshaw dead, Captaine Hamer 
arriving with a Ship and a Pinnace at Patawomeke, was kindly 
entertained both by him ^ and the King ; that Don Hamar told 
the King he came for Corne ; the King replied hee had none, 
but the Nacotchtanks and their confederats had, which were 
enemies both to him and them ; if they would fetch it, he would 
give them 40. or 50 choise Bow-men to conduct and assist 
them. Those Salvages, with some of the English, they sent; 
who so well played their parts, they slew 18. of the Nacotch- 
tanks,^ some write but 4. and some they had a long skirmish 
with them ; where the Patawomeks were so eager of revenge, 
they drive them not onely out of their towne, but all out of 
sight through the woods; thus taking what they hked, and 
spoihng the rest, they retired to Patawomek, where they left 
Captaine Croshaw, with foure men more, the rest set saile for 
James towne. Captaine Croshaw now with five men and him- 
selfe found night and day so many Alarums, he retired into 
such a convenient place, that with the helpe of the Salvages, 
hee had quickly fortified himselfe against all those wilde ene- 
mies. Captaine Nuse his Pinnace meeting Hamar by the way, 
understanding all this, came to see Captaine Croshaw: after 
their best enterchanges of courtesies, Croshaw writ to Nuse 
the estate of the place where he was, but understanding by 
them the poore estate of the Colony, offered if they would send 

^ Croshaw. * Necostans. 



378 NARKATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1622 

him but a bold Shallop, with men, armes and provision for 
trade, the next Harvest he would provide them Corne sufficient, 
but as yet it being but the latter end of June, there was Uttle 
or none in all the Country. 

This being made knowne to the Governour and the rest, 
they sent Captaine Madyson with a ship and pinnace, and 
some six and thirtie men : those Croshaw a good time taught 
the use of their armes, but receiving a letter from Boyse his 
Wife,^ a prisoner with nineteene more at Pamaunke, to use 
meanes to the Governour for their libertie ; So hee dealt with 
this King, hee got first two of his great men to goe with him 
to James towne, and eight dales after to send foure of his 
counsell to Pamaunke, there to stay till he sent one of his two 
to them, to perswade Opachankanough to send two of his with 
two of the Patawomekes, to treat about those prisoners, and 
the rest should remaine their hostage at Pamaunke. But the 
Commanders, at James towne, it seemes, hked not of it, and 
so sent the Patawomekes backe againe to their owne Countrie, 
and Captaine Croshaw to his owne habitation. 

All this time we have forgot Captaine Nuse,^ where we left 
him but newly acquainted with the Massacre, calling all his 
next adjoyning dispersed neighbours together, he regarded 
not the pestring his owne house, nor any thing to releeve them, 
and with all speed entrenched himselfe, mounted three peece 
of Ordnance, so that within 14. dales, he was strong enough 
to defend himselfe from all the Salvages, yet when victuall 
grew scant, some that would forrage without order, which he 
punished, neere occasioned a mutiny. Notwithstanding, he 
behaved himselfe so fatherly and kindly to them all, they 
built two houses for them he daily expected from England, a 
faire Well of fresh water mantled with bricke, because the 
River and Cricks are there brackish or salt ; in all which things 
he plaied the Sawyer, Carpenter, Dauber, Laborer, or any 
thing; wherein though his courage and heart were steeled, 
he found his body was not made of Iron, for hee had many 

* Sarah, the wife of Cheney Boys. 
^ He commanded at Elizabeth City. 



1622] SMITH'S GEISTERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 379 

sicknesses, and at last a Dropsie, no lesse grief e to himself e, 
then sorrow to his Wife and all under his government. These 
crosses and losses were no small increasers of his malady, nor 
the thus abandoning our Plantations, the losse of our Harvest, 
and also Tobacco which was as our money ; the Vineyard our 
Vineyetours ^ had brought to a good forwardnesse, bruised 
and destroyed with Deere, and all things ere they came to 
perfection, with weeds, disorderly persons or wild beasts; so 
that as we are I cannot perceive but the next yeere ^ will be 
worse, being still tormented with pride and flattery, idlenesse 
and covetousnesse, as though they had vowed heere to keepe 
their Court with all the pestilent vices in the world for their 
attendants, inchanted with a conceited statelinesse, even in 
the very bottome of miserable senselesnesse. 

Shortly after, Sir George Yearly and Captaine William PoweP 
took each of them a company of well disposed Gentlemen and 
others to seeke their enemies. Yearley ranging the shore of 
Weanock, could see nothing but their old houses which he burnt, 
and so went home : Powel searching another part, found them 
all fled but three he met by chance, whose heads hee cut off, 
burnt their houses, and so returned ; for the Salvages are so light 
and swift, though wee see them (being so loaded with armour) 
they have much advantage of us though they be cowards. 

I confesse this is true,^ and it may cause some suppose 
they are grown invincible: but will any goe to catch a 
Hare with a Taber and a Pipe? for who knowes not though 
there be monsters both of men and beasts, fish and fowle, yet 
the greatest, the strongest, the wildest, cruellest, fiercest and 

* The French vinedressers at Buckroe. ' 1623. 
^Captain William Powell came to Virginia with Gates in 1611, and in 

1616 was made captain of the fort at Jamestown. Pace first told him of the 
plot of the Indians in 1622 to murder the whites. When they appeared 
before the fort in the morning, he dispersed them with the ordnance. He 
held lands afterward in Surry County, which appears to have been named 
after his native county in England. 

* Against this paragraph the original has the marginal note, "The opinion 
of Captaine Smith." With the next paragraph we return to narratives by 
dwellers in Virginia, edited by Smith. 



380 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1622 

cunningest, by reason, art and vigilancy, courage and industry 
hath beene slaine, subjected or made tame: and those are 
still but Salvages as they were, onely growne more bold by 
our owne simpUcities, and still will be worse and worse till 
they be tormented with a continuall pursuit, and not with 
lying inclosed within PaHzados, or affrighting them out of 
your sights, thinking they have done well [who] can but defend 
themselves : and to doe this to any purpose, will require both 
charge, patience and experience. But to their proceedings. 

About the latter end of June, Sir George Yearley accom- 
panied with the Councell, and a number of the greatest Gal- 
lants in the Land, stayed three or four dales with Captaine 
Nuse, he making his moane to a chief e man amongst them for 
want of provision for his Company, the great Commander 
repUed hee should turne them to his greene Corne, which would 
make them plumpe and fat: these fields being so neere the 
Fort, were better regarded and preserved then the rest, but 
the great mans command, as we call them, were quickly obeied, 
for though it was scarce halfe growne either to the greatnesse 
or goodnesse, they devoured it greene though it did them small 
good. Sir George with his company went to Accomack to his 
new Plantation, where he staled neere six weekes : ^ some Corne 
he brought home ; but as he adventured for himself e, he ac- 
cordingly enjoyed the benefit. Some pety Magazines ^ came 
this Summer, but either the restraint by Proclamation, or 
want of Boats, or both, caused few but the Chieftaines to be 
little better by them. So long as Captaine Nuse had any thing 
we had part; but now all being spent, and the people forced 
to live upon Oisters and Crabs, they became so faint no worke 
could be done ; and where the Law was, no worke, no meat, now 
the case is altered, to no meat, no worke : some small quantity 
of Milke and Rice the Captaine had of his owne, and that he 
would distribute gratis as he saw occasion; I say gratis, for 
I know no place else, but it was sold for ready paiment. Those 
eares of Corne that had escaped till August, though not ripe 

^ His descendants intermarried with most of the famiUes of the Eastern 
Shore. * Private stores. 



1622] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 381 

by reason of the late planting, the very Dogs did repaire to the 
Corne fields to seeke them as the men till they were hanged: 
and this I protest before God is true that I have related, not 
to flatter Nuse, nor condemne any, but all the time I have 
lived in Virginia, I have not seene nor heard that any Com- 
mander hath taken such continuall paines for the pubHke, or 
done so httle good for himselfe ; and his vertuous wife was no 
lesse charitable and compassionate according to her power. 
For my owne part, although I found neither Mulberies planted, 
houses built, men nor victuall provided, as the honourable 
Adventurers did promise mee in England; yet at my owne 
charge, having made these preparations, and the silk-Wormes 
ready to be covered, all was lost, but my poore hfe and children, 
by the Massacre, the which as God in his mercy did preserve, 
I continually pray we may spend to his glory. The 9. of 
September, we had an alarum, and two men at their labours 
slaine ; the Captaine,^ though extreme sicke, salHed forth, but 
the Salvages lay hid in the Corne fields all night, where they 
destroyed all they could, and killed two men more. Much 
mischiefe they did to Master Edward Hills cattle, yet he alone 
defended his house though his men were sicke and could doe 
nothing, and this was our first assault since the Massacre. 

About this time Captaine Madyson passed by us, having 
taken Prisoners, the King of Patawomek, his sonne, and 
two more, and thus it happened. Madyson not hking so well 
to hve amongst the Salvages as Croshaw did, built him a strong 
house within the Fort, so that they were not so sociable as 
before, nor did they much Uke Poole the Interpre[te]r. Many 
Alarums they had, but saw no enemies : Madyson before his 
building went to Moyaones, where hee got provision for a 
moneth, and was promised much more; so he returned to 
Patawomek and built this house, and was well used by the 
Salvages. Now by the foure great men the King sent to 
Pamaunke for the redemption of the Prisoners, Madyson sent 
them a letter, but they could neither deliver it nor see them : 
so long they stayed that the Kjng grew doubtfull of their bad 

* Newce. 



382 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1622 

usage, that hee swore by the Skyes, if they returned not well, 
he would have warres with Opechankanough so long as he 
had any thing. At this time two of Madj^sons men ranne from 
him, to finde them he sent Master John Upton and three more 
with an Indian guide to Nazatica/ where they heard they were. 
At this place was a King beat out of his Country by the Necosts/ 
enemies to the Patawomeks; this expulsed King though he 
professed much love to the Patawomeks, yet hee loved not the 
King because he would not helpe him to revenge his injuries, 
but to our Interpreter Poole hee protested great love, promising 
if any treason were, he would reveale it ; our guide conducted 
this Bandyto ^ with them up to Patawomek and there kept 
him; our Fugitives we found the Patawomeks had taken 
and brought home, and the foure great men returned from Pa- 
maunke. Not long after, this expulsed King desired private 
conference with Poole, urging him to sweare by his God never 
to reveale what hee would tell him, Poole promised he would 
not; then quoth tliis King, those great men that went to 
Pamaunke, went not as you suppose they pretended, but to 
contract with Opechankanough how to kill you all here, and 
these are their plots. 

First, they will procure halfe of you to goe a fishing to their 
furthest towne, and there set upon them, and cut off the rest ; 
if that faile, they will faine a place where are many strangers 
would trade their Furres, where they will perswade halfe of 
you to goe trade, and there murder you and kill them at home ; 
and if this faile also, then they will make Alarums two nights 
together, to tire you out with watching, and then set upon you, 
yet of all tliis, said he, there is none acquainted but the King 
and the great Conjurer. 

This being made known to the Captain, we all stood more 
punctually upon our guard, at which the Salvages wondering, 
desired to know the cause; we told them we expected some 
assault from the Pamaunkes, whereat they seemed contented ; 

* Country of the Necostans, where Washington now stands. 
^ Necostans, sometimes called Anacostans. 
^ Bandit, Indian robber- 



1622] SMITH'S GENEKALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 383 

and the next day the King went on hunting with two of our 
men, and the other a fishing and abroad as before, till our 
Shallop returned from James towne with the two Salvages sent 
home with Captaine Croshaw: by those the Governour sent 
to Madyson, that this King should send him twelve of his great 
men; word of this was sent to the King at another towne 
where he was, who not comming presently with the Messenger, 
Madyson conceited ^ hee regarded not the message, and in- 
tended as he supposed the same treason. The next morning 
the King ^ comming home, being sent for, he came to the 
Captaine and brought him a dish of their daintiest fruit ; then 
the Captaine fained his returne to James towne, the King told 
him he might if he would, but desired not to leave him destitute 
of aid, having so many enemies about him ; the Captaine told 
him he would leave a guard, but intreated his answer concern- 
ing the twelve great men for the Governour ; the King replied, 
his enemies lay so about him he could not spare them; then 
the Captaine desired his sonne and one other; my sonne, 
said the King, is gone abroad about businesse, but the other 
you desire you shall have, and that other sits by him, but 
that man refused to goe, whereupon Madyson went forth and 
locked the doore, leaving the King, his sonne, and foure 
Salvages, and five English men in the strong house, and set- 
ting upon the towne with the rest of his men, slew thirty or 
forty men, women and children. The Iving demanding the 
cause, Poole told him the treason, crying out ^ to intreat the 
Captaine cease from such cruelty : but having slaine and made 
flye all in the towne, hee ^ returned, taxing the poore King of 
treason, who denied to the death not to know of any such 
matter, but said. This is some plot of them that told it, onely 
to kill mee for being your friend. Then Madyson willed him, 
to command none of his men should shoot at him as he went 
aboord, which he presently did, and it was performed: so 
Madyson departed, leading the King, his sonne, and two more 
to his ship, promising when all liis men were shipped, he should 

* Concluded. ^ I.e., the king of the Potomacs. 

' And he (the Indian) cried out. * I.e., Captain Madison. 



384 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1622 

returne at libertie ; notwithstanding he brought them to James 
towne, where they lay some daies, and after were sent home by 
Captaine Hamer, that tooke Corne for their ransome, and after 
set saile for New found Land. 

But, alas the cause of this was onely this 
They understood, nor knew what was amisse. 

Ever since the beginning of these Plantations, it hath beene 
supposed the King of Spaine would invade them, or our Eng- 
lish Papists indevour to dissolve them. But neither all the 
Counsels of Spaine, nor Papists in the world could have de- 
vised a better course to bring them all to ruine, then thus to 
abuse their friends, nor could there ever have beene a better 
plot, to have overthrowne Opechankanough then Captaine 
Croshaws, had it beene fully managed with expedition. But 
it seemes God is angry to see Virginia made a stage where 
nothing but murder and indiscretion contends for victory. 

Amongst the rest of the Plantations all this Summer httle 
was done, but securing themselves and planting Tobacco, which 
passes there as current Silver, and by the oft turning and wind- 
ing ^ it, some grow rich, but many poore : notwithstanding ten 
or twelve ships or more hath arrived there since the massacre, 
although it was Christmas ere any returned, and that returne 
greatly revived all mens longing expectation here in England : 
for they brought newes, that notwithstanding their extreme 
sicknesse many were recovered, and finding the Salvages did 
not much trouble them, except it were sometimes some dis- 
orderly straglers they cut off. To lull them the better in 
securitie, they sought no revenge till their Corne was ripe, then 
they drew together three hundred of the best Souldiers they 
could, that would leave their private businesse, and adventure 
themselves amongst the Salvages to surprise their Corne, under 
the conduct of Sir George Yearley, being imbarked in con- 
venient shipping, and all things necessary for the enterprise; 
they went first to Nandsamund, where the people set fire on 
their owne houses, and spoiled what they could, and then fled 

^ /.e., handling. 



1622] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 385 

with what they could carry; so that the English did make 
no slaughter amongst them for revenge. Their Corne fields 
being newly gathered, they surprized all they found, burnt 
the houses remained unburnt, and so departed. Quartering 
about Kecoughtan, after the Watch was set, Samuell Collyer 
one of the most ancientest Planters, and very well acquainted 
with their language and habitation, humors and conditions, 
and Governor of a Towne, when the Watch was set, going the 
round, unfortunately by a Centinell that discharged his peece, 
was slaine. 

Thence they sailed to Pamaunke, the chiefe seat of Opechan- 
kanough, the contriver of the massacre : the Salvages seemed 
exceeding fearefull, promising to bring them Sara,^ and the 
rest of the EngUsh yet Hving, with all the Armes, and what 
they had to restore, much desiring peace, and to give them 
any satisfaction they could. Many such devices they fained 
to procrastinate the time ten or twelve dales, till they had got 
away their Corne from all the other places up the River, but 
that where the English kept their quarter : at last, w^hen they ^ 
saw all those promises were but delusions, they seised on all 
the Corne there was, set fire on their houses : and in following 
the Salvages that fled before them, some few of those naked 
Devils had that spirit, they lay in ambuscado, and as our men 
marched discharged some shot out of Enghsh peeces, and hurt 
some of them flying at their pleasures where they listed, burn- 
ing their empty houses before them as they went, to make 
themselves sport: so they escaped, and Sir George returned 
w^ith Corne, where for our paines we had three bushels apeece, 
but we were enjoyned before we had it, to paj'' ten shilhngs 
the bushell for fraught and other charges. Thus by this 
meanes the Salvages are hke as they report, to endure no small 
misery this Winter, and that some of our men are returned to 
their former Plantations. 

What other passages or impediments hapned in their pro- 
ceedings, that they were not fully revenged of the Salvages 

* Sara Boys, who had been made a captive. 
^ I.e., the Enghsh. 



386 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1623 

before they returned, I know not;^ nor could ever heare more, 
but that they supposed they slew two, and how it was impos- 
sible for any men to doe more then they did: yet worthy 
Ferdinando Courtus ^ had scarce three hundred Spaniards to 
conquer the great Citie of Mexico, where thousands of Sal- 
vages dwelled in strong houses. But because they were a 
civilised people, had wealth, and those meere Barbarians ^ as 
wilde as beasts have nothing; I intreat your patience to tell 
you my opinion : which if it be Gods pleasure I shall not Hve 
to put in practice, yet it may be hereafter usefull for some; 
but howsoever I hope not hurtfull to any, and this it is. 

Had these three hundred men beene at my disposing, I 
would have sent first one hundred to Captaine Rawley Chro- 
shaw to Patawomek, with some small Ordnance for the Fort, 
the which but with daily exercising them, would have struck 
that love and admiration into the Patawomeks, and terror 
and amazement into his enemies, which are not farre off, and 
most seated upon the other side the River, they would wilhngly 
have beene friends, or have given any composition they could, 
before they would be tormented with such a visible feare. 

Now though they be generally perfidious, yet necessity 
constraines those to a kinde of constancy because of their 
enemies, and neither my selfe that first found them, Captaine 
Argall, Chroshaw, nor Hamar, never found themselves in 
fifteene yeares trials: nor is it Ukely now they would have 
so hostaged their men, suffer the building of a Fort, and their 
women and children amongst them, had they intended any 
villany; but suppose they had, who would have desired a 
better advantage then such an advertisement, to have pre- 
pared the Fort for such an assault, and surely it must be a 
poore Fort they could hurt, much more take, if there were but 
five men in it durst discharge a peece : Therefore a man not 
well knowing their conditions, may be as wel too jealous as 
too carelesse. Such another Lope Skonce'* would I have had 
at Onawmanient, and one hundred men more to have made 



' Again we have the marginal note, ''The opinion of Captaine Smith. 
' Cortes. ' I.e., the Indians of Virginia. * A fort. 



» 



J 622] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTOKIE, BOOK IV. 387 

such another at Atquacke upon the River of Toppahanock/ 
which is not past thirteene miles distant from Onawmanient:' 
each of which twelve men would keepe, as well as twelve 
thousand, and spare all the rest to bee imploied as there should 
be occasion. And all this with these numbers might easily 
have beene done, if not by courtesie, yet by compulsion, 
especially at that time of September when all their fruits were 
ripe, their beasts fat, and infinite numbers of wilde Fowle 
began to repaire to every creeke, that men if they would doe 
any thing, could not want victuall. This done, there remained 
yet one hundred who should have done the hke at Ozinieke,^ 
upon the River of Chickahamania, not past six miles from the 
chief e habitations of Opechankanough. These small Forts 
had beene cause sufficient to cause all the Inhabitants of each 
of those Rivers to looke to themselves. Then having so many 
Ships, Barks, and Boats in Virginia as there was at that present, 
with what faciUty might you have landed two hundred and 
twentie men, if you had but onel}^ five or six Boats in one night ; 
forty to range the branch of Mattapanyent, fortie more that 
of Youghtanund, and fortie more to keepe their randivous at 
Pamaunke it selfe. All which places he so neere, they might 
heare from each other within foure or five houres; and not 
any of those small parties, if there were any valour, discretion, 
or industry in them, but as sufficient as foure thousand, to 
force them all to contribution, or take or spoile all they had. 
For having thus so many convenient randevous to releeve each 
other, though all the whole Countries had beene our enemies, 
where could they rest, but in the depth of Winter we might 
burne all the houses upon all those Rivers in two or three 

^ Rappahannock. 

' An Indian district on the south side of the Potomac where the county 
of King George now is. 

^ The Chickahominy River, after emerging from the swamps around 
Richmond, flows parallel to the James until it reaches a station on the 
Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, known as Lanexa, the site of the Indian 
village of Ozinies or Ozinieke, from which it flows at nearly right angles 
to its former course eight miles to the James River. From Lanexa to the 
York the distance is not more than six miles. 



388 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1622 

dales? Then without fires they could not live, which they 
could not so hide but wee should finde, and quickly so tire 
them with watching and warding, they would be so weary of 
their lives, as either fly all their Countries, or give all they had 
to be released of such an hourely misery. Now if but a small 
number of the Salvages would assist us, as there is no question 
but divers of them would ; And to suppose they could not be 
drawne to such faction, were to beleeve they are more vertuous 
then many Christians, and the best governed people in the 
world. All the Pamaunkes might have beene dispatchd as 
well in a moneth as a yea re, and then to have dealt with any 
other enemies at our pleasure, and yet made all this toile and 
danger but a recreation. 

If you think this strange or impossible, 12 men with my 
selfe I found sufficient, to goe where I would adaies,^ and sur- 
prise a house with the people, if not a whole towne, in a night, 
or incounter all the power they could make, as a whole Army, 
as formerly at large hath beene related: And it seemes by 
these small parties last amongst them, by Captaine Crashow, 
Hamar, and Madyson, they are not growne to that excellency 
in policy and courage but they might bee encountred, and 
their wives and children apprehended. I know I shall bee 
taxed for writing so much of my selfe : but I care not much, 
because the judiciall know there are few such Souldiers as are 
my examples, have writ their owne actions, nor know I who 
will or can tell my intents better then my selfe. 

Some againe finde as much fault with the Company for 
medhng with so many Plantations together, because they 
that have many Irons in the fire some must burne; but I 
thinke no if they have men enow know how to worke them, 
!)ut howsoever, it were better some burne then have none at 
all. The Ejng of Spaine regards but how many powerfull 
Kingdomes he keepes under liis obedience, and for the Salvage 
Countries he hath subjected, they are more then enow for a 
good Cosmographer to nominate,^ and is three Mole-hills so 
much to us, and so many Empires so little for him ? For my 

* Any day. ' Enumerate. 



1623J SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 389 

owne part, I cannot chuse but grieve, that the actions of an 
Englishman should be inferior to any, and that the command 
of England should not be as great as any Monarchy that ever 
was since the world began, I meane not as a Tyrant to torment 
all Christendome, but to suppresse her disturbers, and conquer 
her enemies. 

For the great Romans got into their hand 

The whole worlds compasse, both by Sea and Land, 

Or any seas, or heaven, or earth extended, 

And yet that Nation could not be contented. 

Much about this time, arrived a small Barke of Barnesta- 
ble, which had beene at the Summer lies, and in her Captaine 
Nathaniel Butler,^ who having beene Governour there three 
yeares, and his Commission expired, he tooke the opportunity 
of this ship to see Virginia. At James Towne he was kindly 
entertained by Sir Francis Wyat the Governour. After he 
had rested there fourteene dales, he fell up with his ship to the 
River of Chickahamania, where meeting Captaine William 
Powell, joyning together such forces as they had to the num- 
ber of eighty, they set upon the Chickahamanians, that feare- 
fuUy fled, suffering the Enghsh to spoile all they had, not 
daring to resist them. Thus he returned to James towne, 
where hee staled a moneth, at Kecoughtan as much more, and 
so returned for England.^ 

But riding at Kecoughtan, Master John Argent, sonne to 
Doctor Argent, a young Gentleman that went with Captaine 
Butler from England to this place, Michael Fuller, William 
Gany, CorneHus May, and one other going ashore with some 
goods late in a faire evening, such a sudden gust did arise, 
that drive ^ them thwart the River, in that place at least three 
or foure miles in bredth, where the shore was so shallow at a 
low water, and the Boat beating upon the Sands, they left her, 

^ His tract, The Unmasking of Virginia, was a cause of much trouble to 
the Virginia Company. See its Records, and the next piece in this volume 
'February, 1623. 
' Drove. 



390 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA ri62b 

wading neere halfe a mile; and oft up to the chin. So well 
it hapned, Master Argent had put his Bandileir of powder 
in his hat, which next God was all their preservations: for 
it being February, and the ground so cold, their bodies be- 
came so benumbed, they were not able to strike fire with a 
Steele and a stone hee had in his pocket; the stone they lost 
twice, and thus those poore soules groping in the darke, it 
was Master Argents chance to finde it, and with a few withered 
leaves, reeds, and brush, make a small fire, being upon the 
Chisapeaks shore, their mortall enemies, great w^as their feare 
to be discovered. The joyfull morning appearing, they found 
their Boat and goods drive ashore, not farre from them, but 
so spht shee was unserviceable: but so much was the frost, 
their clothes did freeze upon their backs, for they durst not 
make any great fire to dry them, lest thereby the bloudy Sal- 
vages might discry them, so that one of them died the next 
day ; and the next night, digging a grave in the Sands with 
their hands, buried him. In this bodily feare they lived and 
fasted two dales and nights, then two of them went into the 
Land to seeke fresh water ; the others to the Boat to get some 
meale and oyle. Argent and his Comrado found a Canow, in 
which they resolved to adventure to their ship, but shee was 
a drift in the River before thev returned. Thus frustrate of 
all hopes, Captaine Butler the third night ranging the shore 
in his Boat to seeke them, discharged his Muskets; but they 
supposing it some Salvages had got some English peeces, they 
grew more perplexed then ever: so he returned and lost his 
labour. The fourth day they unloaded their Boat, and stop- 
ping her leakes with their handkerchiefes, and other rags, two 
rowing; and two baiUng out the water; but farre they w^ent 
not ere the w^ater grew upon them so fast, and they so tired, 
they thought themselves happy to be on shore againe, though 
they perceived the Indians were not farre off by their fires. 
Thus at the very period of despaire. Fuller undertooke to sit 
a stride upon a little peece of an old Canow ; so vv- ell it pleased 
God the wind and tide served, by padling with his hands and 
feet in the water, beyond all expectation God so guided him 



1625J SMITH'S GENEKALL HISTOKIE, BOOK IV. 391 

three or foure hoiu'es upon this boord, he amved at their 
ship, where they no lesse amazed then he tired, they tooke him 
in. Presently as he had concluded with his Companions, he 
caused them discharge a peece of Ordnance if he escaped: 
which gave no lesse comfort to i\Iaster Argent and the rest, 
then terror to those Plantations that heard it, (being late) at 
such an unexpected alarum ; but after with warme clothes and 
a Uttle strong water they had a Httle recovered him, such was 
his courage and care of his distressed friends, he returned that 
night againe with Master Felgate to conduct him to them : and 
so giving thanks to God for so hopelesse a deliverance, it pleased 
his Divine power, both they and their provision came safely 
aboord, but Fuller they doubt will never recover his benumbed 
legs and thighes. 

Now before Butlers arrivall in England, manj^ hard speeches 
were rumored against him for so leaving his charge, before he 
received order from the Company. Divers againe of his 
Souldiers as highly commended him, for his good government, 
art, judgement and industry. But to make the misery of 
Virginia appeare that it might be reformed in time, how all 
those Cities, Townes, Corporations, Forts, Vineyards, Nurseries 
of Mulberies, Glasse-houses, Iron forges. Guest-houses, Silke- 
wormes. Colleges, the Companies great estate, and that plenty 
some doe speake of here, are rather things in words and paper 
then in effect, with divers reasons of the causes of those de- 
fects ; if it were false, his blame nor shame could not be too 
much : but if there bee such defects in the government, and 
distresse in the Colony, it is thought by many it hath beene too 
long concealed, and requireth rather reformation then disputa- 
tion : but however, it were not amisse to provide for the worst, 
for the best will help it selfe. Not\^dthstanding, it was appre- 
hended so hardly, and examined with that passion, that the 
brute thereof was spread abroad with that expedition, it did 
more hurt then the massacre; and the fault of all now by the 
vulgar rumour, must be attributed to the unwholesomnesse 
of the a3Te, and barrennesse of the Countrey: as though all 
England were naught, because the Fens and Marshes are un- 



392 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1623 

healthy ; or barren, because some will he under windowes and 
starve in Cheapside, rot in Goales, die in the street, high-waies, 
or any where, and use a thousand devices to maintaine them- 
selves in those miseries, rather then take any paines to hve as 
they may by honest labour, and a great part of such hke are 
the Planters of Virginia, and partly the occasion of those de- 
failements. 

In the latter end of this last yeare, or the beginning of this,^ 
Captaine Henrie Spilman a Gentleman, that hath hved in those 
Countries thirteene or fourteene yeares, one of the best In- 
terpreters in the Land, being furnished with a Barke and six 
and twentie men, hee was sent to trucke in the River of Pata- 
womek, where he had hved a long time amongst the Salvages. 
Whether hee presumed too much upon his acquaintance 
amongst them, or they sought to be revenged of any for the 
slaughter made amongst them by the English so lately, or hee 
sought to betray them, or they him, are all several relations, 
but it seemes but imaginary: for they returned, report they 
left him ashore about Patawomek, but the name of the place 
they knew not, with one and twentie men, being but five in 
the Barke. The Salvages, ere they suspected any thing, 
boorded them with their Canowes, and entred so fast, the 
Enghsh were amazed, till a Sailer gave fire to a peece of Ord- 
nance onely at randome ; at the report whereof, the Salvages 
leapt over-boord, so distracted with feare, they left their 
Canowes and swum a shore; and presently after they heard 
a great brute ^ amongst the Salvages a shore, and saw a mans 
head throwne downe the banke. Whereupon they weighed 
Anchor and returned home, but how he was surprised or 
slaine, is uncertaine. 

Thus things proceed and vary not a jot, 
Whether we know them, or we know them not. 

* Marginal reading, "1623. The Earle of Southampton Treasurer." 
2 Moise. 



1623] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTOKIE, BOOK IV. 



393 



A particular of such necessaries as either private familieSj or 
single persons, shall have cause to provide to goe to 
Virginia, whereby greater numbers may in part con- 
ceive the better how to provide for themselves. 



A Monmoth Cap. Is. 

3 falling bands. Is. 

3 shirts. 7s. 

1 Waste-coat. 2s. 

1 suit of Canvase. 7s. 
1 suit of Frize.^ 10s. 

1 suit of Cloth. 15s. 

3 paire of Irish stock- 
ings. 4s. 

4 paire of shooes. 8s. 
1 paire of garters. 

1 dozen of points.^ 
1 paire of Canvas 

sheets. 8s. 

7 ells of Canvas to 
make a bed and 
boulster, to be filled 
in Virginia, serving 
for two men. 8s. 

5 ells of course Canvas 
to make a bed at 
Sea for two men. 5s. 

1 course rug at sea for 
two men. 6s. 



Apparell} 

lOd. Victuall for a whole yeare for 



3d. 
M. 
2d. 
6d. 



Sd. 

lOd. 

Sd. 



4Z. 



a man, and so after the 
rate for more. 

8 bushels of meale. 21. 
2 bushels of pease. 6s. 
2 bushels of Otemeale. 9s. 
1 gallon of Aquavitae. 2s. 6d. 

1 gallon of oyle. 3s. 6c?. 

2 gallons of Vineger. 2s. 

SI. 3s. 

Arines for a man; but if halfe 

your men be armed it is 

well, so all have swords 

and peeces. 

1 Armor compleat, 
light. 17s. 

1 long peece five foot 
and a halfe, neere 
Musket bore. il. 2s. 

1 Sword. .5s. 

1 Belt. Is. 

1 Bandilier.'^ Is. Gd. 

20 pound of powder. 18s. 

60 pound of shot or 



^ The margin explains, " Apparrell for one man, and so after the rate for 
more.'* 

' Frieze, a coarse woollen cloth. 

^ Laces for fastening the clothing. 

* Bandoleer, a broad leather belt formerly worn by soldiers over the 
left shoulder. 



394 



NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA 



[162o 



Lead, Pistoll and 
Goose shot. 5s. 



3L 9s. 6d, 



Tooles for a family of six per- 
sons, and so after the rate 
for more. 

5 broad howes at 2s. 

a peece. 10s. 

5 narrow howes at 

l^d. a peece. 6s. Sd. 

2 broad axes at 3s. Sd. 

a peece. 7s. Ad, 

5 felUng axes at ISd. 

a peece. 7s. 6d. 

2 Steele handsawes at 

16(i. a piece. 2s. 8d. 

2 two handsawes * at 

5s. a peece. 10s. 

1 whipsaw, set and 
filed ; with box, file 
and wrest. 10s. 

2 hammers 12d. a 
peece. 2s. 

3 shovels at ISd. a 
peece. 4s. M. 

2 spades at 18c?. a 

peece. 3s. 

2 Augers at %d. peece. Is. 

6 Chissels at M. a 
peece. 3s. 

2 Percers stocked Ad. 
a peece. Sd. 



3 Gimblets at 2d. a 

peece. 6c?. 

2 Hatchets at 2\d. a 

peece. 3s. M. 

2 frowes ^ to cleave 

pale \Sd. each. 3s. 

2 hand Bills 20d. a 

peece. 3s. 4rf. 

1 Grindstone. 4s. 
Nailes of all sorts to 

the value of 21. 

2 Pickaxes. 3s. 

6Z. 2s. M. 

Household implements for a 
family of six persons, 
and so for more or lesse 
after the rate. 

1 Iron pot. 7s. 

1 Kettell. 6s. 
1 large Frying-pan. 2s. 6d. 

1 Gridiron. Is. 6d. 

2 Skellets. 5s. 
1 Spit. 2s. 
Platters, dishes, 

spoones of wood. 4s. 

11. 8s. 

For Sugar, Spice, and Fruit, 
at Sea for six men. 

12s. 6d. 

So the full charge after this 
rate for each person, will 



*/.c., two two-hand saws. 

' A wedge-shaped tool for splitting rails or staves. 



mi] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 395 

amount to about the summe visions for a man, will be 

of 121. 10s. 10c?. about halfe a tun, which 

The passage of each man is 1^. 10s. 

is 6Z. So the whole charge will 

The fraught of these pro- amount to about 201. 

Now if the number be great ; Nets, Hooks, and Lines, but 
Cheese, Bacon, Eane and Goats must be added. And this is 
the usuall proportion the Virginia Company doe bestow upon 
their Tenents they send. 

A briefe relation written by Captaine Smith to his Majesties 
Commissioners for the reformation of Virginia, con- 
cerning some aspersions against it. 

Honourable Gentlemen, for so many faire and Navigable 
Rivers so neere adjoyning, and piercing thorow so faire a 
naturall Land, free from any inundations, or large Fenny un- 
wholsome Marshes, I have not scene, read, nor heard of : And 
for the building of Cities, Townes, and Wharfage, if they will 
use the meanes, where there is no more ebbe nor floud. Nature 
in few places affoords any so convenient. For salt Marshes 
or Quagmires, in this tract of James Towne River I know very 
few; some small Marshes and Swamps there are, but more 
profitable than hurtfull : and I thinke there is more low Marsh 
ground betwixt Eriffe and Chelsey,^ then Kecoughton and the 
Falls, which is about one hundred and eighty miles by the 
course of the River. 

Being enjoyned by our Commission not to unplant nor 
wrong the Salvages, because the channell was so neere the 
shore, where now is James Towne, then a thick grove of 
trees; wee cut them downe, where the Salvages pretending 
as much kindnesse as could bee, they hurt and slew one and 
twenty of us in two houres. At this time our diet was for most 
part water and bran, and three ounces of little better stuffe 
in bread for five men a meale ; and thus we lived neere three 

* Erith and Chelsea are on the Thames, the one below London, the other 
above. 



396 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1608 

moneths: our lodgings under boughes of trees, the Salvages 
being our enemies, whom we neither knew nor understood; 
occasions I thinke sufficient to make men sicke and die. 

Necessity thus did inforce me with eight or nine, to try 
conclusions amongst the Salvages, that we got provision 
which recovered the rest being most sicke. Six weeks ^ I was 
led captive by those Barbarians, though some of my men were 
slaine, and the rest fled ; yet it pleased God to make their great 
Kings daughter the means to returne me safe to James towne, 
and releeve our wants : and then ^ our Common-wealth was 
in all eight and thirty, the remainder of one hundred and five. 

Being suppUed with one hundred and twenty, with twelve 
men in a boat of three tuns, I spent fourteene weeks in those 
large waters ; the contents of the way of my boat protracted i 
by the skale of proportion, was about three thousand miles, 
besides the River we dwell upon : where no Christian knowne 
ever was, and our diet for the most part what we could finde, 
yet but one died. 

The Salvages being acquainted, that by command from 
England we durst not hurt them, were much imboldned; ' 
that famine and their insolencies did force me to breake 
our Commission and instructions; cause Powhatan fly his 
Countrey, and take the King of Pamaunke Prisoner; and 
also to keepe the King of Paspahegh in shackels, and put 
his men to double taskes in chaines, till nine and thirty of 
their Kings paied us contribution, and the offending Sal- 
vages sent to James towne to punish at our owne discretions : 
in the two last yeares I staled there, I had not a man slaine. 

All those conclusions being not able to prevent the bad 
events of pride and idlenesse, having received another supply 
of seventie, we were about two hundred in all, but not twentie 
work-men: In following the strict directions from England 
to doe that was impossible at that time; So it hapned, that 
neither wee nor they had any thing to eat but what the Coun^ 
trey afforded naturally ; yet of eightie who lived upon Oysters 

* Three weeks, rather, — from December 10, 1607, to January 2, 1608. 

• January 2, 1608. Brown, Genesis of the United States, I. 175. 



1609J SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 397 

in June and July/ with a pint of come a week for a man lying 
under trees, and 120 for the most part living upon Sturgion, 
which was dried til we pounded it to powder for meale, 3^et in 
ten weeks but seven died. 

It is true, we had of Tooles, Armes, and Munition sufficient, 
some Aquavitae, Vineger, Meale, Pease, and Otemeale, but in 
two yeares and a halfe not sufficient for six moneths ; though 
by the bils of loading the proportions sent us, would well have 
contented us: notwithstanding we sent home ample proof es 
of Pitch, Tar, Sope Ashes, Wainskot, Clapboord, Silke grasse, 
Iron Ore, some Sturgion and Glasse, Saxefras, Cedar, Cypris, 
and blacke Walnut ; crowned Powhatan ; sought the Monacans 
Countrey, according to the instructions sent us,' but the}^ 
caused us neglect more necessary workes: they had better 
have given for Pitch and Sope ashes one hundred pound a tun 
in Denmarke : Wee also maintained five or six severall Planta- 
tions.^ 

James towne being burnt, wee rebuilt it and three Forts 
more: besides the Church and Store-house, we had about 
fortie or fiftie severall houses to keepe us warme and dry, 
invironed with a palizado of fourteene or fifteene foot, and each 
as much as three or foure men could carrie. We digged a faire 
Well of fresh water in the Fort, where wee had three Bulwarks, 
foure and twentie peece of Ordnance (of Culvering, Demicul- 
vering, Sacar and Falcon), and most well mounted upon con- 
venient plat-formes: planted one hundred acres of Corne.''^ 
We had but six ships to transport and supply us, and but two 
himdred seventy seven men, boies, and w^omen: by whose 
labours Virginia being brought to this kinde of perfection, 
the most difficulties past, and the foundation thus laid by 
this small meanes; yet because we had done no more, the3/ 
called in our Commission, tooke a new in their owTie names, 
and appointed us neere as many offices and Officers as I had 

' 1609. 

' In May, 1609, Smith di\'ided the settlers into small parties, but it was 
to escape starvation rather than to establish settlements. 

' In the earlier narratives the area of cultivation was put at forty acres. 



39S NAKEATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [ISOV) 

Souldiei'Sy that neither knew us nor wee them, \vithout oui 
consents or knowledge. Since/ there have gone more then 
one hundred ships of other proportions, and eight or ten thou- 
sand people. Now if you please to compare what hath beene 
spent, sent, discovered, and done this fifteene yeares, by that 
we did in the three first yeares : and every Governor that hath 
beene there since, give you but such an account as tliis, you 
may easily finde what hath beene the cause of those disasters 
in Virginia. 

Then came in Captaine Argall, and Mr Sedan, in a ship 
of Mr CorneUus, to fish for Sturgion; who had such good 
provision, we contracted with them for it, whereby we were 
better furnished then ever. 

Not long after came in seven ships,with about three hun- 
dred people ; but rather to supplant us then supply us : their 
Admirall with their authoritie being cast away in the Ber- 
mudas, very angry they were we had made no better provision 
for them. Seven or eight weekes we withstood the inunda- 
tions of these disorderly humors, till I was neere blowne to 
death with Gun-powder, which occasioned me to retume for 
England. 

In the yeare 1609 about Michaelmas, I left the Countrey, 
as is formerly related, with three ships, seven Boats, Com- 
modities to trade, harvest newly gathered, eight weeks pro- 
vision of Corne and Meale, about five hundred persons, three 
hundred Muskets, shot powder and match with amies for 
more men then we had. The Salvages their language and 
habitation well knowne to two hundred expert Souldiers; 
Nets for fishing, tooles of all sorts, apparell to supply their 
wants: six Mares and a Horse, five or six hundred Swine, 
many more Powltry, what was brought or bred, but victuall, 
there remained. 

Having spent some five yeares, and more then five hundred 
pounds in procuring the Letters Patents and setting forward, 
and neere as much more about New England, &c. Thus these 
nineteene yeares I have here and there not spared any thing 

» /.e., by 1624. 



1624] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 399 

according to my abilitie, nor the best advice I could, to per- 
swade how those strange miracles of misery might have beene 
prevented, which lamentable experience plainly taught me of 
necessity must insue, but few would beleeve me till now too 
deerely they have paid for it. Wherefore hitherto I have 
rather left all then undertake impossibilities, or any more 
such costly taskes at such chargeable rates : for in neither of 
those two Countries have I one foot of Land, nor the very 
house I builded, nor the ground I digged with my owne hands, 
nor ever any content or satisfaction at all. And though I see 
ordinarilv those two Countries shared before me bv them 
that neither have them nor knowes them, but by my descrip- 
tions : Yet that doth not so much trouble me, as to heare and 
see those contentions and divisions which will hazard if not 
ruine the prosperitie of Virginia, if present remedy bee not 
found, as they have hindred many hundreds, who would have 
beene there ere now, and makes them yet that are wilUng to 
stand in a demurre. 

For the Books and Maps I have made, I will thanke him 
that will shew me so much for so httle recompence; and 
beare with their errors till I have done better. For the 
materials in them I cannot deny, but am ready to affirme 
them both there and here, upon such grounds as I have pro- 
pounded : which is to have but fifteene hundred men to sub- 
due againe the Salvages, fortifie the Countrey, discover that 
yet unknowne, and both defend and feed their Colony, which 
I most humbly refer to his Majesties most judiciall judgement, 
and the most honourable Lords of his Privy Councill, you his 
trusty and well-beloved Commissioners, and the Honourable 
company of Planters and well-willers to Virginia, New-England 
and Sommer-Ilands. 

Out of these Observations it pleased his Majesties Commissioners 
for the reformation of Virginia, to desire my answer 
to these seven Questions. 

Quest. 1. What conceive you is the cause the Plantation hath 
prospered no better since you left it in so good a forwardnesse f 



400 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1624 

Answ. Idlenesse and carelesnesse brought all I did in three 
yeeres, in six moneths to nothing ; and of five hundred I left, 
scarce threescore remained; and had ^ir Thomas Gates not 
got from the Bermudas, I thinke they had beene all dead before 
they could be supplied. 

Quest. 2. What conceive you should he the cause, though 
the Country he good, there comes nothing hut Tohacco ? 

Answ. The oft altering of Governours it seemes causes 
every man make use of his time, and because Corne was stinted 
at two shiUings six pence the bushell, and Tobacco at three 
shillings the pound; and they value a mans labour a yeere 
worth fifty or threescore pound, but in Corne not worth ten 
pound, presuming Tobacco will furnish them with all things: 
now make a mans labour in Corne worth threescore pound, 
and in Tobacco but ten pound a man, then shall they have 
Corne sufficient to entertaine all commers, and keepe their 
people in health to doe any thing ; but till then, there will be 
little or nothing to any purpose. 

Quest. 3. What conceive you to have heene the cause of the 
Massacre, and had the Salvages had the use of any peeces in your 
time, or when, or hy whom they were taught f 

Answ, The cause of the j\Iassacre was the want of marshall 
discipline; and because they would have all the EngHsh had 
by destroying those they found so carelesly secure, that they 
were not provided to defend themselves against any enemy; 
being so dispersed as they were. In my time, though Captaine 
Nuport furnished them with swords by truck, and many fugi- 
tives did the hke, and some Peeces they got accidentally: 
yet I got the most of them againe ; and it was death to him that 
should shew a Salvage the use of a Peece. Since, I under- 
stand, they became so good shot, they were imployed for 
Fowlers and Huntsmen bv the English. 

Quest. 4. What charge thinke you would have setled the 
government hoth for defence and planting ivhen you left it f 

Answ. Twenty thousand pound would have hyred good 
labourers and mechanicall men, and have furnished them 
with cattle and all necessaries; and 100. of them would hav 



mi] SMITH'S GEXERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 401 

done more then a thousand of those that went : though the 
Lord Laware, Sir Ferdinando Waynman, Sir Thomas Gates 
and Sir Thomas Dale were perswaded to the contrary; but 
when they had tried, they confessed their error. 

Quest. 5. What conceive you ivould he the remedy and the 
charge f 

Amw. The remedy is to send Souldiers and all sorts of 
labourers and necessaries for them, that they may be there 
by next Michaelmas/ the which to doe well will stand you in 
five thousand pound : but if his Majesty would please to lend 
two of his Ships to transport them, lesse would serve ; besides 
the benefit of his grace to the action would encourage all men. 

Quest. 6. What thinke you are the dejects of the government 
both here and there f 

Answ. The multiphcity of opinions here, and Officers 
there, makes such delaies by questions and formalitie, that 
as much time is spent in complement as in action ; besides, 
some are so desirous to imploy their ships, having six pounds 
for every Passenger, and three pounds for every tun of goods, 
at which rate a thousand ships may now better be procured 
then one at the first, when the common stocke defrayed all 
fraughts, wages, provisions and Magazines, whereby the Ships 
are so pestred, as occasions much sicknesse, diseases and 
mortality : for though all the Passengers die they are sure of 
their fraught ; and then all must be satisfied with Orations, 
disputations, excuses and hopes. As for the letters of advice 
from hence, and their answers thence, they are so well written, 
men would beleeve there were no great doubt of the perform- 
ance, and that all things were wel, to which error here they 
have beene ever much subject ; and there not to beleeve, or 
not to releeve the true and poore estate of that Colony, whose 
fruits were commonly spent before they were ripe, and this 
losse is nothing to them here, whose great estates are not 
sensible of the losse of their adventures, and so they thinke, 
or will not take notice ; but it is so with all men. But how- 
soever they thinke or dispose of all things at their pleasure, I 

^ 1624. 
So 



402 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [im 

am sure not my selfe onel}', but a thousand others have not 
onely spent the most of their estates, but the most part have 
lost their Hves and all, onely but to make way for the triall of 
more new conclusions: and he that now will adventure but 
twelve pounds ten shillings, shall have better respect and as 
much favour then he that sixteene yeere agoe adventured 
as much, except he have money as the other hath ; but though 
he have adventured five hundred pound, and spent there never 
so much time, if hee have no more and not able to begin a 
family of himself e, all is lost by order of Court. 

But in the beginning it was not so, all went then out of 
one purse, till those new devices have consumed both mony 
and purse ; for at first there were but six Patentees, now more 
then a thousand; then but thirteene Counsailors, now not 
lesse then an hundred : I speake not of all, for there are some 
both honourable and honest, but of those Officers which did 
they manage their owne estates no better then the affaires of 
Virginia, they would quickly fall to decay so well as it. But 
this is most evident, few Officers in England it hath caused to 
turne Banquerupts, nor for all their complaints would leave 
their places; neither yet any of their Officers there, nor few 
of the rest but thev would be at home. But fewer Adventurers 
here will adventure any more till they see the businesse better 
established, although there be some so wilfully improvident 
they care for nothing but to get thither, and then if their 
friends be dead, or want themselves, they die or live but 
poorely for want of necessaries, and to thinke the old Planters 
can releeve them were too much simplicity; for who here in 
England is so charitable to feed two or three strangers, have 
they never so much ; much lesse in Virginia where they want 
for themselves. Now the generall complaint saith, that pride, 
covetousnesse, extortion and oppression in a few that ingrosses 
all, then sell all againe to the comminalty at what rate they 
please (yea even men, women and children for who will give 
most), occasions no small mischief e amongst the Planters. 

As for the Company, or those that doe transport them, 
provided of necessaries, God forbid but they should receive 



1624] SMITH'S GENEKALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 408 

their charges againe with advantage/ or that masters there 
should not have the same privilege over their servants as here : 
but to sell him or her for forty, fifty, or threescore pounds, 
whom the Company hath sent over for eight or ten pounds at 
the most, without regard how they shall be maintained with 
apparell, meat, drinke and lodging, is odious, and their fruits 
sutable: therefore such merchants it were better they were 
made such merchandize themselves, then suffered any longer 
to use that trade, and those are defects sufficient to bring a 
well setled Common-wealth to miseiy, much more Virginia. 
Quest. 7. How thinke you it may he rectified f 
Answ. If his Majestic would please to intitle it to his 
Crowne,^ and yearely that both the Governours here and there 
may give their accounts to you, or some that are not ingaged 
in the businesse, that the common stocke bee not spent in 
maintaining one hundred men for the Governour, one hundred 
for two Deputies, fifty for the Treasurer, five and twenty for 
the Secretary, and more for the Marshall and other Officers 
who were never there nor adventured any thing; but onely 
preferred by favour to be Lords over them that broke the ice 
and beat the path, and must teach them what to doe. If any 
thing happen well, it is their glory; if ill, the fault of the old 
directors, that in all dangers must endure the worst, yet not 
five hundred of them have so much as one of the others. Also 
that there bee some present course taken to maintaine a Gar- 
rison to suppresse the Salvages, till they be able to subsist, 
and that his Majesty would please to remit his custome; or 
it is to be feared they will lose custome and all, for this cannot 
be done by promises, hopes, counsels and countenances, but 
with sufficient workmen and meanes to maintaine them: not 
such dehnquents as here cannot be ruled by all the lawes in 
England. Yet when the foundation is laid, as I have said, and 
a common-wealth established, then such there may better be 
constrained to labour then here; but to rectifie a common- 
wealth with debaushed people is impossible, and no wise man 
would throw himselfe into such a society, that intends honestly 

^ Profit. ' Resume Virginia to himself. 



404 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1624 

and knowes what he undertakes. For there is no Country to 
pillage as the Romans found : all you expect from thence must 
be by labour. 

For the government I thinke there is as much adoe about 
it as the Kingdomes of Scotland and Ireland, men here con- 
ceiting Virginia as they are, erecting as many stately Offices 
as Officers with their attendants, as there are labourers in 
the Countrey: where a Constable were as good as twenty 
of their Captaines; and three hundred good Souldiers and 
labourers better then all the rest, that goe onely to get the 
fruits of other mens labours by the title of an office. Thus 
they spend Michaelmas rent in Mid-summer Moone, and 
would gather their Harvest before they have planted their 
Corne. 

As for the maintenance of the Officers, the first that went 
never demanded any, but adventured good summes: and it 
seemes strange to me, the fruits of all their labours, besides 
the expence of an hundred and fifty thousand pounds, and such 
multitudes of people, those collaterall Officers could not main- 
taine themselves so well as the old did ; and having now such 
liberty to doe to the Salvages what they will, the others had 
not.^ I more then wonder they have not five hundred Salvages 
to worke for them towards their generall maintenance; and 
as many more to returne some content and satisfaction to the 
Adventurers, that for all their care, charge and diligence, can 
heare nor see nothing but miserable complaints: therefore 
under your correction to rectifie all, is with all expedition to 
passe the authority to them who will releeve them, lest all 
bee consumed ere the differences be determined. And except 
his Majestic undertake it, or by Act of Parlament some small 
tax may be granted throughout his Dominions, as a Penny upon 
every Poll, called a head-penny ; two pence upon every Chim- 
ney, or some such collection might be raised, and that would 
be sufficient to give a good stocke, and many servants to 
sufficient men of any facultie, and transport them freely for 
paying onely homage to the Crowne of England, and such 

* Which the others had not. 



1624] SJVIITH'S GENERALL HISTOKIE, BOOK IV. 405 

duties to the publike good as, their estates increased, reason 
should require. Were this put in practice, how many people 
of what quality you please, for all those disasters would yet 
gladly goe to spend their hves there, and by this meanes more 
good might be done in one yeere, then all those pety particular 
undertakings will effect in twenty. 

For the Patent the King may, if he please, rather take it 
from them that have it, then from us who had it first; pre- 
tending to his Majesty what great matters they would doe, 
and how Httle we did: and for any thing I can conceive had 
we remained still as at first, it is not hkely we could have done 
much worse; but those oft altering of governments are not 
without much charge, hazard and losse. If I be too plaine, I 
humbly crave your pardon ; but you requested me, therefore 
I doe but my duty. For the Nobility, who knowes not how 
freely both in their Purses and assistances many of them have 
beene to advance it, committing the managing of the businesse 
to inferiour persons : amongst whom questionlesse also many 
have done their utmost best, sincerely and truly according 
to their conceit, opinion and understanding ; yet grosse errors 
have beene committed, but no man Hves without his fault. 
For my owne part, I have so much adoe to amend my owne, I 
have no leisure to looke into any mans particular,^ but those 
in generall I conceive to be true. And so I humbly rest 

Yours to command, 

J. S. 

Thus those discords, not being to be compounded among 
themselves ; nor yet by the extraordinary dihgences, care and 
paines of the noble and right worthy Commissioners, Sir 
William Jones, Sir Nicholas Fortescue, Sir Francis Goston, 
Sir Richard Sutton, Sir Henry Bourgchier and Sir William 
Pit : a Corante ^ was granted against Master Deputy Farrar, 

* Particular fault. 

'A quo warranto. For the events attending the dissolution of the 
Virginia Company, see Miss Kangsbury's introduction to the Records, and 
Neill's Virginia Company of London. 



406 :^rARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1624 

and 20. or 30. others of that party, to plead their causes before 
the right Honourable the Lords of His Majesties Privy Coun- 
celi. Now notwithstanding all the Relations, Exaininations, 
and intercepting of all Letters whatsoever came from thence, 
yet it seemes they were so farre unsatisfied and desired to know 
the truth, as well for the preservation of the Colony, as to give 
content and doe all men right, they sent two Commissioners 
strictly to examine the true estate of the Colony. Upon whose 
returne after mature deliberation, it pleased his royall Majesty 
to suppresse the course of the Court at Deputy Farrars : and 
that for the present ordering the affaires of Virginia, untill he 
should make a more full settlement thereof, the Lord Viscount 
Mandevile, Lord President of his Majesties Pri\de Co un cell, 
and also other Privy Councellors, with many understanding 
Knights and Gentlemen, should every Thursday in the after- 
noone meet at Sir Thomas Smiths in Philpot lane : where all 
men whom it should concerne may repaire, to receive such 
directions and warrant for their better security; as more at 
large you may see in the Proclamation to that effect, under the 
great Scale of England, dated the 15. of July, 162-i/ But as 
for the relations last returned, what numbers they are, how 
many Cities, Corporations, townes, and houses, cattle and 
horse they have ; what fortifications or discoveries they have 
made, or revenge upon the Salvages ; who are their friends or 
foes; or what commodities they have more then Tobacco; 
and their present estate or what is presently to be put in execu- 
tion : in that the Commissioners are not yet fully satisfied in 
the one, nor resolved in the other, at this present time when 
this went to the Presse, I must intreat you pardon me till I 
be better assured. 

Thus far I have travelled in this Wildernesse of Virginia, 
not being ignorant for all my paines this discourse will be 
wrested, tossed and turned as many waies as there is leaves; 
that I have writ too much of some, too httle of others, and many 

* In Hazard's Historical Collections,!. 183, or Ryraer's Fcedera, XVII. 609. 



1624] SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV. 407 

such like objections. To such I must answer, in the Companies 
name I was requested to doe it, if any have concealed their 
approved experiences from m}^ knowledge, they must excuse 
me : as for every fatherles or stolne relation, or whole volumes 
of sofisticated rehearsals, I leave them to the charge of them 
that desire them. I thanke God I never undertooke any 
thing yet any ^ could tax me of carelesnesse or dishonesty, 
and what is hee to whom I am indebted or troublesome? 
Ah ! were these my accusers but to change cases and places 
with me but 2. yeeres, or till they had done but so much as I, 
it may be they would judge more charitably of my imperfec- 
tions. But here I must leave all to the triall of time, both my 
selfe, Virginia's preparations, proceedings and good events; 
praying to that great God the protector of all goodnesse to 
send them as good successe as the goodnesse of the action and 
Country deserveth, and my heart desireth. 

^ Wherein any. 



THE VIRGINIA PLANTERS' ANSWER TO 
CAPTAIN BUTLER, 1623 



INTRODUCTION 

Captain Nathaniel Butler served as governor of the Ber- 
muda Islands from the spring of 1619 to October, 1622, during 
which time he got into trouble by extorting money from some 
Spaniards who had been shipwrecked there. He spent the 
winter of 1622-1623 in Virginia, and on his return to England 
in the spring presented to the king a document called ''The Un- 
masked face of our Colony in Virginia as it was in the Winter 
of the yeare 1622." After this no more was heard of the com- 
plaint which the Spanish minister had lodged against him 
for his conduct in the Bermudas. The company, deeming it 
necessary to reply to Butler at once, drew up the paper below 
and sent out and secured the affidavits of each of the persons 
in London best acquainted with Virginia affairs. As far as 
Butler's attack proved anything, it showed how much credit 
the managers of the company deserved for having rescued the 
colony from the depths of despair to which it had been brought 
by the evils of the old government of martial law. 

The text of this document is taken from the ''court books" 

of the Virginia Company preserved in the Library of Congress. 

It occurs in The Records of the Virginia Company of London 

(Washington, 1906), II. 381-385. It was first printed by Neill 

in his Virginia Company of London, pp. 395-404. Butler's 

paper is embodied in it. 

L. G. T. 



41i 



THE VIRGINIA PLANTERS' ANSWER TO 

CAPTAIN BUTLER, 1623 

The Answers of divers Planters that have long lived in Virginia, 
as alsoe of suyidry Marriners and other persons that 
have bene often at Virginia unto a paper intituled : The 
Unmasked face of our Colony in Virginia, as it was 
in the Winter of the yeare 1622. 

1. I FOUNDS the Plantacions generally seated uppon meere 
Salt marishes full of infectious Boggs and muddy Creekes and 
Lakes, and therby subjected to all those inconveniences and 
diseases which are soe commonly found in the moste Unsounde 
and most Unhealthy parts of England wherof everie Country 
and Clymate hath some. 

Answere 1, Wee say that there is no place inhabited but is 
conveniently habitable. And for the first * plantacion w''^ is 
Kiccoutan against w*'^ (if any be) most exception may be 
made, itt is every way soe well disposed that in that place well 
governed men may enjoy their healthes and live as plentifully 
as in any parte of England or other his Ma*'^" Dominions, yett 
that there are Marishes in some places wee acknowledge ; Butt 
soe as they are more Comodious for divers good respects and 
uses then if they were wantinge.^ As for Boggs wee knowe 
of none in all the Country and for the rest of the Plantacions 
as Newports News, Blunt poynt, Wariscoyake, Martins Hun- 
dred, Paspahey, and all the Plantacions right over against 
James Citty, and all the Plantacions above these w""^ are many, 

* I.e., the plantation nearest the mouth of the river. 

' Eastern Virginia is intersected with great numbers of creeks and rivers, 
Uned with marshes, the favorite resorts of sora, ducks, and other toothsome 
birds. 

412 



1623] THE ANSWER TO CAPTAIN BUTLER 413 

they are verie fruitfull and pleasant Seates, free from Salt 
Marishes being all on the fresh River, and they are all verie 
healthfull and high land except James Citty w*"^ is yett as liigh 
as Debtforde or Radclyffe/ 

2. I founde the shores and sides of those partes of the Mayne 
River where our Plantacions are setled every wher soe shallow 
as noe Boates can approach the shores, soe that besides the 
difficulty daunger and spoile of goods in the Landinge of them 
the people are forced to a Continuall wadinge and wettinge of 
themselves and that in the prime ^ of winter when the Shipps 
commonly arrive, and therby gett such vyolent surfetts of 
colde uppon colde as seldom leave them until they leave to Hve. 

Answere 2. That generally for the Plantacions att all times 
from halfe ffloud to halfe ebb any boate that drawes betwixt 
three and 4 foote water may safely com in and Land their 
goods dry on Shore w*^out wadinge and for further Cleeringe 
of these false objeccons, the Seamen there doe at all times de- 
Hver the goods they bringe to the Owners dry on Shore, wherby 
itt plainely appeares not any of the Country people there in- 
habitinge are by this meanes in daunger of their lives. And at a 
great many Plantacions belowe James Citty and allmost all 
above they may att all times Land dry.^ 

3. The new people that are yearly sent over which arrive 
here for the most part very Unseasonably in Winter, finde 
neither Guest house, Inne nor any the like place to shroud 
themselves in at their arrivall, noe not soe much as a stroake 
given towards any such charitable worke soe that many of 
them by want hereof are not onely seen dyinge under hedges 
and in the woods but beinge dead ly some of them many dayes 
Unregarded and Unburied. 

Answere 3. To the first they Answere that the winter is 
the most healthfull time and season for arrivall of newCommers. 

^ This answer could hardly be made in truth. The climate of the James 
River was undoubtedly very deadly to the newcomers. Conditions have 
changed since that day, because of the opening of the forests. Deptford 
and Ratcliff were on the Thames near London. * Middle. 

^ This description accords with the modern topography. 



414 NAKKATIVES OF EARLY VIKGINIA [1623 

True itt is that as yett ther is noe Guesthouse or place of in- 
terteynm^ for Strangers. Butt wee averr that itt was a late in- 
tent and had by this time been putt in practise to make a generall 
gatheringe for the buildinge of such a Convenient house, w''^ 
by this time had been in good fowardnes had itt not pleased 
God to suffer this Disaster to fall out by the Indians. But al- 
though there be no publique Guesthouse yett are new Commers 
entertayned and lodged and provided for by the Governo'" in 
pryvate houses ; And for any dyinge in the feilds through this 
defecte and lying unburied, wee are altogether ignorant, yett 
that many dy suddenly by the hand of God, wee often see itt 
to fall out even in this flourishinge and plentifull Citty in the 
middest of our streets. As for dyinge under hedges there is no 
hedge in all Virginia. 

4. The Colony was this winter in much distress of victuall 
soe that EngUsh meale was soulde at the rate of thirtie shil- 
lings ^ a bushell their owne native Corne called Maize at ten 
and fifteen shillings the bushell, Thew""^ howsoever itt lay heavy 
uppon the shoulders of the Generallytie it may be suspected 
not to be unaffected by some of the chief e, for they only have- 
inge the means in these extremities to trade for Corne with the 
Natives doe herby ingrosse all into their hands and soe sell 
yt abrode at their owne prices, and my selfe have heard from 
the mouth of a prime one amonst them that hee would never 
wish that their owne Corne should be cheaper among them 
then eight shiUings the bushell. 

Answere 4. Ti'ue itt is that English meale hath of late 
since the Massacre been sould for Tenn pounds of Tobacco the 
bushell w""^" no understandinge man can there value above 
fifteen shiUings sterlinge, and here we finde (w*^out a Massacre) 
by the judgment of God for our murmuringe att plentie Wheat 
hath this yeare been sould and still is in many places at three 
times the rate itt hath borne w^^in two or three years last 
past ; And againe Indian corne hath heretofore comonly been 
sould after the rate of five shiUings the bushell. And farther 
meale bore so high a price this year as itt cost ready mony in 

^ About S30 in present values. 



i(>28j THE ANSWER TO CAPTAIN BUTLER 415 

England together w*^ the fraight and other charges neer uppon 
twelve shilUnges, soe that if itt were sould at Tenn pounds of 
Tobacco ther will not be gayned twenty in the hundred. 

5. Ther Howses are generally the worst that ever I sawe 
the meanest Cottages in England beinge every way equall (if 
not superior) with the most of the beste, And besides soe im- 
providently and scatteringly are they seated one from an other 
as partly by theire distance but especially by the interposicion 
of Creeks and Swamps as they call them they offer all advan- 
tages to their savadge enimys and are utterly deprived of all 
suddaine recollection of themselves uppon any tearmes what- 
soever. 

Answere 5. First that the houses there were most built for 
use, and not for ornament, and are soe farr from beinge soe 
meane as they are reported that throughout his Ma*' Dominions 
here all labouringe mens houses (w''^ wee cheifly professe our 
selvs to be) are in no wise generally for goodnes to be compared 
unto them. And for the howses of men of better Ranke and 
quallety they are soe much better and convenyent that noe 
man of quallety w^^out blushinge can make excepcion against 
them ; Againe for the Creeks and Swamps every man ther that 
cannott goe by Land hath either a Boate or a Conoa for the 
Convcyinge and speedy passage to his neighbors house. As 
for Cottages ther are none in Virginia, that they knowe. 

6. I found not the least peec of Fortification, Three Peeces 
of Ordinance onely mounted at James Citty and one at Flower- 
due Hundred,^ but never a one of them serviceable Soe that itt 
is most certaine that a smale Barke of one hundred Tunns may 
take its time to pass up the River in spite of them and com- 
minge to an Anchor before the Towme may beate all their houses 
downe aboute their eares and so forceinge them to retreat into 
the Woods, may land under the favour of their Ordinance and 
rifle the Towne at pleasure. 

* Flowerdew Hundred was about twenty miles from Jamestown up 
the river on the south side. It was at this time the property of Sir George 
Yeardley, who in 1621 erected on a point of land the first windmill in iht 
United States. This point is yet known as ''Windmill Point." 



416 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA C1623 

Answere 6. Itt is true ther is as yett no other artificiall 
Fortificacions then Pallisadoes wherof allmoste everie Planta- 
cion hath one, and divers of them hath Trenches, And this 
last yeare Cap* Eache was sent for that purpose. As for great 
Ordinance there are fower peeces mounted att James Citty 
and all serviceable, ther are six Mounted at Flowerdue hundred 
all of them hkewise serviceable, And three mounted att Kic- 
coutan and all of them serviceable, there are likewise att New- 
porte Newes three, all of them serviceable, ther are likewise 
att Henrico seaven peeces and at Charles hundred two, and in 
other places, besides Fowlers and Murders * at divers places. 

7. Expectinge accordinge to their printed Bookes ^ a great 
fowardnes of divers and sundry Comodities, At myne arrivall I 
found not any one of them so much as in any towardnes ^ 
of being. For the Iron workes were utterly wasted and the 
men dead, The Furnaces for Glass and Pots at a stay and in a 
smale hope. As for the rest they were had in a generall derision 
even amongst themselves, and the Pamphlets that had pub- 
Hshed here beinge sent thither by Hundreds wer laughed to 
scorne, and every base fellow boldly gave them the Lye in 
divers perticulers, Soe that Tobacco onely was the buisines and 
for ought that I could here every man madded upon that, and 
lyttle thought or looked for any thinge else. 

Answere 7. Tliat the Country yields divers usefull and rich 
Commodities w''^ by reason of the Infancie of the Plantacion, 
and this unexpected Massacre cannot yett be brought to per- 
feccon, and is no lesse hindred by the emulous and envious re- 
ports of ill willers whose pryvate ends by time wilbe discovered 
and by God recompensed. And wee doe further answer that 
this Country is a moste fruitfuU Country and doth certainely 
produce divers rich Comodities. Itt is true that the Iron- 
works are wasted and the men dead, but that was by the Mas- 
sacre w*^^ if itt had not happened ther had been a good proofe 
of that Comodity, for the works wer in a very great forwardnes. 
As for Vines likewise ther were divers Vine-yeards planted in 
sundry places, butt all of them putt back by the Massacre, 

^ Murderers (cannon) . - Circulars or pamphlets. ' Forwardness. 



1623] THE ANSWER TO CAPTAIN BUTLER 417 

butt for the peoples derydinge of these Comodities or the books 
sent by the Comp^ : wee have never heard of any such scoffinge 
or derisions, butt as the Governor and Counsell ther are very 
desirous and have sett forth Proclamacions to cause all men to 
sett both Vines and Mulbery Trees, so the people generally are 
very desyrous and forward to rayse those former Commodi- 
ties of Wine and Silke and Ukewise divers other good 
Comodities/ 

8. I found the Antient Plantations of Henrico and Charles 
Citty wholly quitted and lefte to the spoile of the Indians, who 
not onely burned the houses saide to be once the best of all 
others, but fell uppon the Poultry, Hoggs, Cowes, Goates and 
Horses wherof they killed great numbers to the greate griefe 
as well as ruine of the Olde Inhabitants, whoe stick not to 
affirme that these were not onelv the best and healthiest 
parts of all others, but might allsoe by their naturall strength of 
scituacion have been the most easefully preserved of all the 
rest. 

9. Wheras accordinge to his Ma*'""^ gratious Letters Pat- 
ents his People in Virginia are as neer as possibly may be to be 
governed after the excellent Lawes and Customes of Englande, 
I found in the Government there not onely ignorant and en- 
forced strayings in diver particulers, but willfull and intended 
ones ; ^ Insomuch as some who urged due conformity have in 
contempt been tearmed men of Lawe, and were excluded from 
those rights which by orderly proceedings they were elected 
and sworne unto here. 

10. There havinge been as it is thought not fewer than 
Tenn thousand soules transported thither ther are not through 
the aforenamed abuses and neglects above Two thousand of 
them at the present to be found alive, many of them alsoe in a 

^ Nevertheless, Butler was very near right when he gave the emphasis 
to tobacco; and doubtless for many years the culture of tobacco was too 
absorbing. 

^ Butler means that he found that the orders of the company, which 
promised a government after the excellent laws and customs of England, 
were wilfully disregarded. 

2ic 



418 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1623 

sickly and desperate estate : ^ Soe that itt may undoubtedly 
[be] expected that unlesse the Confusions and pryvate ends of 
some of the Company here, and the bad executions in second- 
inge them by their Agents there be redressed with speed by 
some divine and supreame hand, that in steed of a Plantacion 
it will shortly gett the name of a Slaughterhouse, and soe justly 
become both odious to our selves and contemptible to all the 
worlde. 

Answere. All these wee leave to be answered by the Gov- 
ernor and Company some of them beinge unfitt to be deter- 
myned of by us. And for the last wee being ignorant how 
many have been transported or are now lyvinge there. 

Wee whose names are hereunder and hereafter written 
have uppon mature deliberacion and after full examinacion 
and consideracion of the premises, drawne upp these answers 
beinge such as we finde in our consyencies to be true, and shall 
att all times justifie them uppon our oathes. In wittnes wherof 
wee have hereunder sett our hands. ^ 

* The Virginia Company afterwards undertook to answer these three 
last charges. The condition of the plantations at Henrico and Charles City- 
was ascribed to an Indian massacre, which was unavoidable. There was noth- 
ing in the charge of arbitrary rule, which had no better ground than the 
exclusion of Butler's unjust claim to a seat in the council. As to the number 
of emigrants, it did not exceed 6000, of w^hom 2500 had been sent over 
during the twelve years of Sir Thomas Smith ; 2500, and not 2000, still sur- 
vived. 

^ Upon this follow sixteen attestations by persons who had lived in 
Virginia or mariners who had visited the country, all of whom declare the 
answers above given to be truthful. 



THE TRAGICAL RELATION OF THE 
VIRGINIA ASSEMBLY, 1624 



I 



INTRODUCTION 

The effort of the faction of Sir Thomas Smith in the Virginia 
Company to secure a dissolution was heartily reprobated by 
the Virginia Assembly, and in January, 1624, they drew up a 
paper denouncing the administration of Sir Thomas Smith 
and extoUing that of Sandys and Southampton. The exact 
truth cannot be expected of such a paper, but after its perusal 
there can be but one opinion of the merits of the two parties. 
The original is in the Library of Congress, Division of Manu- 
scripts. The text which follows has been carefully collated 
with this original. The document was first printed in Neill's 
Virginia Company of London, pp. 407-411. 

L. G. T. 



421 



THE TRAGICAL RELATION OF THE 
VIRGINIA ASSEMBLY, 1624 

The answer e of the Generall Assembly in Virginia to a Declara- 
tione of the state of the Colonie in the 1^ yeers of Sr 
Thomas Smiths Government, exhibited by Alderman 
Johnson ^ and others. 

HoLDiNGE it a sinne against God, and our owne sufferinge, 
to suffer the World to be abused w**" untrue reportes, and to 
give unto vice the reward of vertue, we in the name of the 
whole Colonie of Virginia, in our generall assembly, many of 
us having beene eye witnesses and patients ^ of those tymes 
have framed out of our duty to this country, and love unto 
truth, this Dismaskinge of those prayses w*"^ are contayned 
in the foresaide declarationes. 

In those 12 yeers of S'" Tho : Smith his goverment, we averr 
that the Colony for the most parte remayned in great want 
and misery under most severe and Crewell lawes sent over in 
printe,^and contrary to the expresse Letter of the Kinge in his 
most gracious Charter, and as mercylessly executed, often times 
without tryall or Judgment. The allowance in those tymes for 
a man was only eight ounces of meale and half a pinte of pease 

* Alderman Robert Johnson of London was one of the leading members 
of the Smith faction in the company, and had been deputy-treasurer under 
Smith. He took a leading part in procuring the dissolution of the company. 

' Sufferers. 

^ These printed laws, entitled Laws Divine, Morall and Martiall (London, 
1612; reprinted in Force's Tracts, Washington, 1844, Vol. IIL) were pro- 
mulgated by Sir Thomas Gates at Jamestown for the first time. May 24, 
1610. They were afterwards enlarged by Sir Thomas Dale, who intro- 
duced the martial code contained in the thirty-two articles of war of the 
army of the Netherlands, with the cognizance of Sir Thomas Smith, the 
treasurer of the company. 

422 



1624] RELATION OF THE VIRGINIA ASSEMBLY 423 

for a daye, the one and the other mouldy, rotten, full of Cob- 
webs and Maggotts loathsome to man and not fytt for beasts, 
w*"^ forced many to flee for reliefe to the Savage Enemy, who 
being taken againe were putt to sundry deaths as by hanginge, 
shooting and breakinge uppon the wheele and others were 
forced by famine to filch for their bellies, of whom one for 
steelinge of 2 or 3 pints of oatemeale had a bodkinge thrust 
through his tounge and was tyed w*^ a chaine to a tree untill 
he starved, yf a man through his sicknes had not been able to 
worke, he had noe allowance at all, and soe consequently per- 
ished. Many through these extremities, being weery of life, 
digged holes in the earth and there hidd themselves till they 
famished. 

Wee cannott for this our scarsitie blame our Comanders 
heere, in respect that o'" sustenance was to come from England, 
for had they at that time given us better allowance we had per- 
ished in generall, soe lamentable was our scarsitie that we were 
constrayned to eate Doggs, Catts, ratts. Snakes, Toadstooles, 
horse hides and w* nott, one man out of the mysery that he 
endured, killinge his wiefe powdered ^ her upp to eate her, for 
w*'^ he was burned. Many besides fedd on the Corps of dead 
men, and one who had gotten unsatiable, out of custome to 
that foode could not be restrayned, untill such tyme as he was 
executed for it, and in deede soe miserable was our estate, that 
the happyest day that ever some of them hoped to see, was when 
the Indyans had killed a mare, they ^ wishinge whilst she was a 
boylinge that S"" Tho: Smith were uppon her backe in the 
kettle. 

And wheras it is afirmed that there were very fewe of his 
Ma*'^^ subjects left in those dayes, and those of the meanest 
ranke, we answere that for one that now dyes, there then per- 
ished five, many beinge of Auncyent Howses and borne to 
estates of lOOO'' b}^ the yeere, some more some lesse, who like- 
wyse perished by famine. Those who survived, who had both 
adventured theire estates and personnes, were Constrayned to 
serve the Colony, as yf they had been slaves, 7 or 8 yeers for 

^ Salted. ^ The desperate settlers. 



424 NARRATIVES 01^ EARLY VIRGINIA [1(324 

their freedomes, who underwent as harde and servile labor as 
the basest Fellow that was brought out of Newgate. 

And for discovery we saye that nought was discovered in 
those 12 yeers, and in these 4 or 5 last yeers much more then 
formerly/ 

For o'' howses and churches in those tymes they were soe 
meane and poore by resone of those calamities that they could 
not stand above one or two yeers, the people never goinge to 
woorke but out of the bitterness of theire spiritts threatninge 
execrable curses uppon Sr: Thomas Smith, nether could a 
blessinge from god be hoped for in those buildings w*'^ were 
founded uppon the bloud of soe many Christians.^ 

The Townes were only James Cyttie, Henryco, Charles 
hundred, West and Sherley hundred, and Kicoughtan, all 
w*^^ in those tymes were ruined alsoe, unlesse some 10 or 12 
howses in the Corpora tione of James Cyttie. At this present 
tyme are 4 for every one that were then, and forty times ex- 
ceedinge in goodnesse.^ Fortifications there were non at all 
against the foraigne enemy, and those that were against the 
domestick very few and contemptible. Bridges there was only 
one w*'^ also decay de in that tyme.^ Yf through the forsaid 
calamities many had not perished we doupt not but there 
might have been many more than 1000 people in the lande when 
Sr Thomas Smith left the Goverment. 

But we conceive that when Sr George Yardly arrived 
Govno"" hee founde not above 400,^ most of those in want of 

* " Discoveries" {i.e., explorations) were made in both periods. Long 
before Sir Thomas Smith's term expired, all of eastern Virginia was well 
known to the settlers; Delaware Bay had been visited, and the Bermuda 
Islands settled. The discoveries made in the four or five last years were 
probably those of John Pory. 

^ The houses were made of green wood, which soon decayed. 
^ The houses at this time were made of seasoned timbers. 

* In 1611 Sir Thomas Dale made a bridge, i.e., a wharf, above where the 
church tower now stands at Jamestown, on which to land goods from the 
ships. This was the "bridge" referred to. 

^ This was the number on the public plantations, but the private settle 
ments had 600 more, making 1000 in all. Abstract of Proceedings of the 
Virginia Company of London, I. 65. 



1624] RELATION OF THE VIRGINIA ASSEMBLY 426 

come, nearly destitute of cattle, swyne, poultrey and other 
necessary provisions to nourishe them. Ministers to instruct 
the people there were some whose sufficyentcie and abilitie we 
will not tax, yet divers of them had no Orders. 

We knowe not at any time that we exceeded in Amies, Pow- 
der and munitions, yet that in qualitie almost altogether use- 
lesse. We acknowledg in those times there was a tryall made 
of divers staple Comodities, the Colony as then not havinge 
meanes to proceede therin, we hope in tyme there may be some 
better progressions be made, and had it not beene for the Mas- 
sacre, many by this had beene brought to perfectione. As for 
boats in the tyme of that Govermte, there was only one left 
that was servicable in the Colonic, for w*'^ one besides 4 or 5 
shipps and pynnaces, there are now not soe fewe as 40, the 
barques and barges that then were built in number fewe, so 
unwillinglie and weakly by the people effected, that in the same 
time they also perished. 

We never perceaved that the natives of the Countrey did 
voluntarily yeeld them selves subjects to our gracyous Sov- 
raigne, nether that they took any pride in that title, nor paide 
at any tyme any contrybutione of corne for sustentation of the 
Colony, nor could we at any tyme keepe them in such good 
respect of correspondency as we became mutually helpful each 
to the other but contrarily what at any was done proceeded 
from feare and not love, and their corne procured by trade or 
the sworde. 

To w* grouth of perfectione the Colony hath attayned at 
the end of those 12 yeers wee conceave may easily be judged by 
w* we have formerly saide. And rather then to be reduced to 
live under the like Govment we desire his Ma*'^ that Com- 
missioners may be sent over, w*^ authoritie to hange us. 

Alderman Johnson, one of the Authors of this Declaratione, 
hath reasone to comend him ^ to whose offences and infamies he 
is so inseparably chained. 

By the generall report of the Country w*'^ we never hard 
contradicted, we affirme this to be true wherof all or the most 

' r.p., Sir Thomas Smith. 



426 



NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA 



[1624 



parte were eye witnesses or resident in the Country when every 
particuler within written were effected. 



Francis Wyatt 
George Sandis 
John Pott 
John Powntis 
Roger Smith 
Raphe Hamor 
Wm. Tucker 
Wm. Peerce 
Rawley Croshaw 
Samuel Mathews 
Jabez Whittaker 
John Willcox 
Nicholas Marten 
Edward Blany 
Isack Madisone 



Clement Dilke 
Luke Boyse 
John Utie 
John Chew 
Richard Stephens 
John Southerne 
Samuel Sharpe 
Henry Watkins 
Nathanell Causey 
Richard Bigge 
Richard Kingswell 
John Pollington 
Robert Addams 
Gabriell Holland 
Thomas Marlott 



THE DISCOURSE OF THE OLD 
COMPANY, 1625 



INTRODUCTION 

The government of Virginia under the first charter (1606) 
was that of a supreme council in England appointed by the 
king and a subordinate council in Virginia; and neither the 
Virginia Company nor the settlers had any poUtical authority. 
Under the second charter (1609), the government was centred 
in England in a treasurer and council, who selected a governor 
for Virginia having authority independent of the local council. 
The third charter (1612) vested the authority in England in the 
company and, as a consequence, parties arose. On the question 
of governing the colony, the company soon divided into two 
factions, — one in favor of continuing martial law, at the head 
of which was Sir Robert Rich, afterwards Earl of Warwick, 
and the ''Country" or ''Patriot Party" in favor of ending the 
system of servitude. The latter party was led by Sir Thomas 
Smith, who had been treasurer ever since 1609, Sir Edwin 
Sandys, Henry Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton, Sir John 
Danvers, and John and Nicholas Ferrar. In 1618 Sir Thomas 
Smith was deposed from his office, and Sandys made treasurer, 
which so offended Smith that he joined forces with the court 
party. After a year Sandys, finding himself an object of dis- 
favor with the king, stepped aside, and the Earl of Southampton, 
who agreed with Sandys in all his views, was appointed and kept 
in office till the company's dissolution. The five years' rule 
of the patriot party was a. period of extraordinary activity 
in Virginia affairs, and the plans of Sandys and Southampton 
were remarkably statesmanlike and far-reaching. But the 
calamities of epidemics and an Indian massacre, which could 
not be prevented, made them a prey to all kinds of attack. 

429 



430 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA 

At the suggestions of Lionel Cranfield, the crafty Earl of 
Middlesex, they were induced to apply to King James for the 
monopoly of the sale of tobacco in England, and they became 
entangled in a quarrel, which was fanned to a white heat by the 
intrigues of Count Gondomar, the Spanish minister. The court 
party took the matter to the king, and after a long agitation the 
charter was revoked. After this the king appointed a com- 
mission, consisting in part of members of the court party, to 
take charge of Virginia affairs, but on his death, the next year. 
King Charles, his son, revoked the former royal commission 
and intrusted affairs relating to Virginia to a committee of 
the Privy Council, who ignored the Smith party and called the 
Sandys party into consultation. These last presented a paper 
in April, 1625, called ''The Discourse of the Old Company,^* 
in which they gave a full history of affairs, and petitioned to 
be reincorporated. Charles was not indisposed to grant the 
request, but postponed the matter from time to time till senti- 
ment in the colony, which once favored the company, became 
adverse to it, as the Virginians found that they enjoyed a 
larger degree of liberty under the neglect of the king than under 
the care of the company. 

The document is reprinted, by permission, from the Virginia 
Magazine of History, I. 155-167, 287-302. The last part of it, 
not narrative, but containing suggestions as to future govern- 
ment, etc., has been omitted. The original is in the Public 
Record Office in London. 

L. G. T. 



THE DISCOURSE OF THE OLD 
COMPANY, 1625 

May it please your Lop" ^ 

When last we attended this Honourable Board y®"" Lopf 
required two things at our hands to be presented this day in 
writing to your Lop^ 

The first, our opinion touching the best forme of Govern- 
ment to be made for Virginia ; the second, as to such con- 
tract touching Tobacco w*^ his Ma*'^ as might both uphold 
his former Revenue, and not be grievous to the Plantations. 

Concerning the former of w*"^ proposicions, wee humbly 
crave leave thus much to deliver w*^out offence, that it came 
altogether unexpected to us: who brought w*^ us, a strong 
and confirmed resolucion, not to intermedle any more in the 
business of Virginia, so soyled and wronged by the partie op- 
posite, and now reduced to extreame terms allmost past re- 
covery and wherein all our former labours, cares, and expenses 
had receavcd by the practise and procurement of these men, 
the undeserved reward of rebuke and disgrace. 

Notw* ^standing, whome wee have alwayes found just and 
hono^^^ and if happily some good may rebound thereby to 
that now distressed and languishing Plantation, w''^ hath bin 
heretofore so deare unto us, and w'^^ gave so great hope of 
honour to this Kingdome, and might have bin in these tymes 
of warrly ^ preparations, of so great use and service to his Mat'^ 
if it had bin so cherished and strengthened by these men, as 
when they gayned the government, they pretended and prom- 
ised, we wised ^ and designed : We here present in all humble- 
ness our deliberate opinion touching the forme of Government 

' Lordships. ' Warlike. England was then at war with Spain. 

3 Wished. 

431 



432 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1625 

now fittest to be established for the restoring and reviving of 
that Plantation, if it be possible yet to be recovered. Wherein 
wee thinke it requisite, that yo'' Lop^ in the first place be truly 
informed, of the state of that Colony, what before it was, and 
what now it is, according unto the best advertisements from 
thence received. 

The Plantation now in Virginia, began about the yeare 
1606 and continued about twelve yeares under the Governem* 
of the selfe same handes, whereinto it was first intrusted by the 
Kings Ma^'^ the most Royall founder of this noble worke. 
The perticular carriages of this first Governem^ are too long, 
and would bee too displeasing to yo"" Lopp^ eares. But in 
Generall such it was, as the now Earle of Middlesex then Lo : 
high Treasurer ^ (being an ancient adventurer and councellor 
for Virginia) informed yo"" Lop^ sitting in Counsell the 5th of 
March, 1622, when he told Alderman Johnson, That in former 
yeares when he the said alderman was Deputie, and the busi- 
ness was in other hands, it was carried leaudly,^ so that if they 
should be called to an accompt for it, their Estates would not 
answere it. 

What his Lo^^ delivered as his owne censure, was truly 
the opinion of the whole company of Adventurers here in 
England: And w*^ them doth the Colonic concure having 
the last yeare by their Vice admirall sent a writing ^ signed by 
the hands of the Generall Assembly, and directed to his Ma^'^, 
wherein having declared : The manner of Those Twelve yeares 
Governem^ they conclude w*^ these words, full of passion 
and griefe; and rather then to be reduced to live under the 
like Government, wee desire his Ma*'^ that Commissioners may 
be sent over with authoritie to hang us. Of this quallitie was 
the first Governem*' And answerable to fforme, were the effects, 
as the Generall Assemblie having by oath examined the par- 
ticulars, sett downe in their Declaration directed to his lat^ 
Mat^^ 

* Lionel Cranfield, Earl of Middlesex, lord high treasurer from 1621 to his 
impeachment in 1624. ' Lewdly. 

' This was the paper entitled The Tragical Declaration. 



1626] THE DISCOURSE OF THE OLD COMPANY 433 

1. For People then alive about the nomber of 400.* 

2. Very many of them in want of corne, utterly destitute 
of cattle, swine, Poultry and other provisions to nourish them. 

3. As for Fortificacon agaynst a forraigne enemy there was 
none at all, onely foure pieces mounted, but altogether unser- 
viceable. 

4. There was only eight Plantacions, all w*'^ were but 
poorely housed, and ill fortified agaynst the Savages. 

5. Onely one old friggott belonging to the Sumer Ilandes, 
one shallop, one shippboate, and two small boats belonging to 
private men. 

6. Three ministers in orders and Two w^^out. 

7. No comoditie on foote save Tobacco. 

8. The Indians in doubtful Termes. 

This as they report was the true estate of the Plantacons 
at the Twelve yeares end. To w^^ being added the other con- 
dicon of the colonic, w*'^ in other writinges they expresse : 

1. That they lived or rather suffered under Martial lawe. 

2. Under a most extorting Governour there whome by 
24 bundles of depositions they have accused of strange depre- 
dacons. 

3. Under most oppressive orders hence, to the breach of 
all faith and honesty. 

4. W*^out confort of wives or servants. 

5. W*^out assurance of their estates. 

6. There beinge no Dividents of Land laid out.^ 

7. W*^out assurance of their Libties, being violently de- 
teyned as serv*^ beyond their convenented tymes. 

We may truly affirme, that the intencons of the people in 
Virginia, were no wayes to settle there a colonic, but to gett 

* At Easter, 1619, about the time Sir George Yeardley arrived, there were 
one thousand people in Virginia — four hundred on the public plantations 
and six hundred on the private. 

' The joint-stock partnership expired November 30, 1616, and Captain 
Samuel Argall was sent to Virginia with instructions to give every settler his 
own private dividend. But Argall disregarded his orders and kept the people 
in servitude until he was superseded by Yeardley. Sir Thomas Smith was, 
therefore, not fairly responsible for the whole dismal picture drawiv above. 

2f 



434 NAKEATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1626 

a little wealth by Tobacco, then in price, and to return for 
Englande. 

As for the Adventurers here the greatest part were long 
before beaten out as from an hopeless Action. In w*"^ regard 
there was ffifteene thousand pounds of mens subscripcons 
w^^ by no means they could bee procured to pay in ; sundry 
of them alleaging in theer answers in chancery upon their 
oathes, the misimployment of the monyes, and ill keeping of 
the accounts. Those few that followed the business, upon some 
hope to reforme it, were (by the Governours here, for their owne 
perticuler ends as is conceaved, for, to theire owne private bene- 
fitt it was only sutable) directed to bestowe their moneyes 
in advent uringe by way of Magazine,^ upon two comodities 
onely. Tobacco and Sassafras matters of present profhtt, but 
no wayes foundacons of a future state. Soe that of a mer- 
chantlike Trade there was some probbillitie at least for a while ; 
but of a Plantation there was none at all, neither in the course 
nor in the intencons either of the Adventurers here or the 
colonic there. 

In this estate and condicon was the action lefte by the 
First to the second Governm* w""^ began in the yeare 1619 by 
the choice of S"" Edwin Sandis for Treasurer. To whome the 
yeare followinge succeed"^ the Earle of Southampton. 

1. Under whose Governm* by Gods blessing the Plantation 
soe prospered as by the end of the yeare 1621 the nomber 
of people was encreased, there, to be about Two thousand. 

2. The number of Neat cattle, besides Goates and Swine, 
eight hundred. 

3. The number of Housinge was proporcionably encreased, 
and the manner of building much bettered. 

4. The number of Boats was Ten tymes multiplyed, and 
w''^ was much more, there were fower Shippes belonging to the 
Colonic. 

5. Ther were sent more than eight able ministers. 

^ Particular merchants would make up a fund and send over a ship with ' 
iroods to exchange for tobacco and sassafras. This was called a magazine. 



1020] THE Disco UKSE OF THE OLD COMPANY 436 

6. With great care and cost there were procured men skil- 
ful 1 in sawing Milles from Hambrough/ 

7. Vigneroones from Lanquedock : ^ In divers places of 
the Colonie, Vineyards beganne, some of them conteyinge Ten 
thousand plants. 

8. Store of silkeworme-seed sent. 

9. And the Iron-workes brought after five thousand 
pounds expences to that assured perfection, as w*^ in Three 
months they promised to send home great quantities. 

10. Many new Plantations were made. 

11. All men had sufficiency of corne. 

12. And many Great plenty of cattle, swyne and Poultrie, 
and other good provisions. 

13. The mortalitie w''^ had raigned the two first yeares, 
(w*"^ at that tyme was generall over all America) was at last 
ceased. 

14. Soe that by this sodayne and unexpected advancement 
of Plantation in these things, together with the redresse of all 
former Grievances : supplies of young women for wives, and 
of youthes for serv*^ being sent them. 

15. The bloudy Lawes being silenced and their Governemt 
ordered like to that of this Kingdom. 

16. Provisions being made for the mayntennce of Officers 
that they should not need to prey upon the people : And the 
like done for the ministers : 

17. The libertie of a Generall assembly being granted them, 
whereby they find out and execute those things as might best 
tend to their good. 

18. The Estates of Land by just Dividends being surely 
conveyed : 

19. A ffree Trade from hense for all sorts of people being 
permitted, whereby they were eeven to superfluity furnished 
w*^ all necessaries : 

The Colony grewe into an opinion that they were the hap- 
piest people in the world, w''^ meeting here at home w*^ the 
experience of most Noble Demeanor on the Companies part, 

^ Hamburg. ^ Vinedressers from Languedoc. 



436 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1626 

agaynst w°^ Envy itselfe could not finde any shadowe of cal- 
amny or offence : the reputacon of this action grew to such an 
height, as not only the old Adventurers renewed their zeale of 
their first Loves, but great numbers of new came dayly in w*^ 
assurance to expend large somes in the business. 

And for the Planf^ to goe in person, not only here at home 
Thousands of choise people offred themselves : but out of Ire- 
land went divers shipps, and more were foUowinge: Three 
hundred ffamilies French and Dutch in the yeare 1621 made 
request to the state, that they might plant in Virginia ; ^ whither 
not long before, condempned persons had refused to go with 
pardon of their Lives. 

The great amendment in this and in all other parts of this 
Action, made the Earle of Middlesex say at yo"" honob'^ Board, 
That in these latter tymes the Plantation by the good carriage 
had thriven and prospered beyond behefe and allmost miracu- 
louslie. 

This wee cannot but esteeme an hono^'® testimony proceed- 
ing from our most heavy enemy, who had himselfe layde in 
o"" way soe many great Rubbs and Difficulties, as hee might 
well say. It was by miracle wee over passed them. 

The first yeare, directly agaynst his Ma** L'res Pattents, 
and consequently against Laws, by the judgment of the then 
Attorney-Generall, exceedingly over burdeninge our Com- 
moditie : 

The second yeare to the Kings great dammage and abuse 
of the whole Kingdome procuringe an utter banishment of our 
Tobacco : 

And the third yeare enforcinge us to bring all in, onely to 
the enrichm* of his private friends. But besides these; we 
were continually struglinge w*^ a most malicious faction w*4n 

^ They were Walloons, Huguenots, driven from Europe by persecution. 
Not liking the terms offered by the Virginia Company, they entered into 
negotiation with the Dutch West India Company, and in 1623 went to New 
York. Some few, nevertheless, came to Virginia. Among these was 
Nicholas Marlier (generally rendered Martian), who was the first patentee of 
the land where Yorktown is now located. He was an ancestor of George 
Washington. 



1626] THE DISCOURSE OF THE OLD COMPANY 437 

our owne Body here ; yet through all these difficulties did we 
wrestle by Gods blessing, with the expence of lesse then ffower 
and twenty thousands pounds of the Public stock. For how- 
so-ever your Lop' have been enformed, the very thruth w'^^ 
we shall alwayes make good is, that there was not receaved from 
the Lottaries in the tyme of this latter Governem* any more 
than Twenty one thousand seaven hundred sixty six poundes 
nyne shillings Two pence. By the expence of w*"^ some to- 
gether w*^ about Three thousand pounds receaved from the 
Collections, wee brought the Colony to those Termes wee have 
related. And if in the Declaration sent to his Ma*'^ the last 
yeare, the colony have made a right and perfect calculacon, 
wee affirme unto yo"" Lop' that in the first Three yeares of this 
latter Governement the company sent as many shipps in nom- 
ber, but of greater burthen ; as many people in nomber, but 
much better provided, as were sent in the first Twelve years. 
Yet had the latter Governem^ under Twenty fower Thousand 
poundes, and S"" Thomas Smith receaved above Three score 
and ffifteene thousand pounds, of publique stock. Soe that 
wee may truly affirme through Gods blessing w*^ a Third part 
of the money, and in a fourth part of the tyme, wee brought 
the Plantation to foure tymes the nomber of men that Sr 
Thomas Smith left it in, and in all other parts incomparably 
better. 

The Plantation being growne to this height by the end of the 
year 1621, it pleased God in his secrett judgment to give leave 
to the enemies thereof, by many powerfull and most wicked 
meanes to bring it downe agayne to the ground. The first 
Blowe was a most blowdy massacre, when by the Treacherous 
cruelty of the savages about 400 of o"" People were slayne, upon 
the 22th of March 1621.' The terror whereof w*^ the losse of 
much cattle and other substance, and a sodayne alteracon of 
the state of all things, so dismaide the whole Colony, as they 
allmost gave themselves for gone. But then appeared both the 
love of the Company to the Plantation and their great abilettie 

^ At this time it was usual in England to regard the new year as beginning 
on March 25. We should date the massacre March 22, 1622. 



438 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1626 

to goe through therewith : when in supply of this Loss, and for 
the encouragement of the Colony, they did send that yeare to 
Virginia 16 ships and 800 people and that altogether at the 
charges of private Adventurors. For the publique stock being 
utterly exhaust the yeare before was not able to contribute 
5001. towards all this charge. 

But this cruell Tragedy of the massacre was second"^ by 
Two other sharpe Calamities in the very neck one of another : 

First, scarcitie in the Colony by being putt off from their 
Grounds prepared, together w*^ the losse of their season and 
much seed; besides that through the troublesomnes of those 
tymes, they could not freely imploy themselves in plantinge 
thereof, no not in those their scanted grounds, many Planta- 
cions being drawne into few places for their better defence. 
W^ pestringe of themselves did likewise breed contagious 
sicknesse; w""^ being encreased by the Infection brought in 
by some shipps, there dyed that yeare of mortallitie neere 
upon 600 more : and the Colony passed much hardnesse in their 
victuall, by reason of the miscarriage of one of their shippes, 
w*^^ the Company sett forth w*^ above 500L worth of meale 
and other provisions: But the shipp being blowne up w^^ 
Powder at the Summer Islandes, the Provisions were lost, 
and never came to Virginia. 

Notwithstandinge these things were most grievous to the 
Company here ; yett were they no wayes of Discouragement, 
but rather seemed to add heat to their former zeale : so as by 
the beginning of the year 1623 there appeared in readinesse 
and preparation to go to Virginia, double that nomber of 
people and Adventurers that any former yeare had carried. 
When on a sodayne the Plantation itselfe was by Captaine 
Butler in a certayne writinge Intituled The unmaskinge of 
Virginia, soe fowly disgraced, and the present miseries thereof 
so farr amplified above Truth, and the future hopes there of 
so belowe all good meanings derided and villified by divers ill 
willers of the Action especially some discontented members of 
the Company, as the greatest part of the intended supplies 
for New Plantations, gave over, as sume of themselves will 



1626] THE DISCOURSE OF THE OLD COMPANY 439 

testify to yo'' Lop', yet notw*^standinge, the united Body of 
the Company did even that year, 1623, send out eleven Shipps, 
stored w*^ supplies of victuall and provisions: although by 
many cruell encounters of the opposites, they were so hindered 
and dejected, directly w*^ Intention to make them abandon 
the busines. But the welfare of the Plantacon and the mayn- 
tennce of their own honour and credit, did prevaile so w*^ the 
company that though w*^ certainty of their owne extreame 
loss, they passed in the aboundance of supply, not only the 
necessitis of the Colony, but even the unreasonable demaunds 
of their opposite : Having in fower days space that was given 
them after the notice of the Colonies want, procured the under- 
writing of fower thousand pounds Adventure : w''^ the Hono^'® 
Board of the privy Counsell was pleased w*^ much Noble 
favour highly to approve. 

As for the people that went that yeare in those eleven ships 
the nomber was not above 260, and those procured not w^^'out 
difficulty, so much had the disgrace of the Plantation spread 
amongst the comon sort of people. 

Neither could it be prevented by the companie although 
they used all possible dilligence; solliciting the Comission" 
then appointed by his Ma*'^ by a publique examinacon of 
Captayne Butlers reporte, to clear the truth. But they would 
by no meanes bee drawne thereunto. As for the companie it 
selfe, their proceedings and demeanors were so approbriously 
calumniat"^ as deprived them both of abillitie and credite to 
doe any good herein: but w*^ much sorrowe to behold how 
sencibly and dangerously the good opinion of this Action de- 
cayed ; so that Preachers of note in the Cittie that had begun 
in this latter Governem* to pray continually for Virginia, 
lefte quite the remembrance of it ; finding the Action to growe 
either odious or contemptible in mens minds: w*'^ yet but a 
little before was of that esteeme as divers on their death beds 
gave great Lagacies to the furtherance thereof ; and even from 
the East Indies by way of contribucon, hath bin sent by the 
ff actors and poore marriners above 1000 marks, so farr was the 
reputacon of this action spread, by the prosperinge thereof 



440 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1626 

under the latter Governem* and by their zealous and sollici- 
tous endeavours. W^ although by the contmuall encrease 
of further suffringes, their pattent being called in question, 
receaved a sore check: yet not w^^standing their owne In- 
nocencie giving them courage and hope that they should over- 
come all w^^ honour and thanks of the state : there were ffive 
shipps provided for this last yeare, 1624, whereof one of them 
since the Companies disolucon hath given over her voyage: 
the other ffoure have proceeded, although w*^ much difficulty, 
in regard that a great part of the Passengers that afore in- 
tended to goe, fell off. Whereby two of the shippes w''^ had 
their comissions from the late companie in May last could not 
gett away till the end of this last yeare, the one in ffebruary, 
the other in March last.^ 

Thus have wee given yo"^ Lop" a true Informacon, both of 
the growth and languishinge of the Virginia Plantacion, in 
these ffive latter yeares Governemt : wherein no incombrances, 
no calamities whatsoever could keepe it soe downe, but that 
it did yearely advance itselfe w*^ a most remarkable growth 
whilst the carefull Nurse and tender mother the Company was 
permitted to governe it. 

Though contagion and sword destroyed many people : yet 
whilst the nomber of new did doubly supply those that fayled 
it cannot be said, but the action was in a thriving, in a prosper- 
ous course ; though not in a cleare or easy. Then began it to 
stand when the Companie was troubled ; to stagger, when they 
were disgraced and discountenanced ; to sinck, when they were 
terrifyed w*^ affreightment of dissolucon; since w*'^ tyme 
there hath bin nothing at all done towards the recovery of 
helping it forward, but much towards the hindrenge and bring- 
ing it lower. 

The poor supply of people and shippes that are gone, are 
but the remaynder of the late Companies cares and loves. 
The settlers out of the best of them doe affirme, that if they 
had not been so farr engaged before the unexpected dissolucon 
of the late Companie, they would have drawne back their ad- 

»/.e., in 1625. 



1626] THE DISCOURSE OF THE OLD COMPANY 441 

ventures and People. When they shall arive in Virginia they 
will not bring eith comfort or supply to the Colonie : but only 
add to their Calamitie, to their grief. 

The first Shipp went in August, victualled only for Three 
months ; the next in October ; neither of them were arived the 
25th of ffebruary last. Whereby they must needs come into 
Virginia in most miserable distresse. 

The other two went out soe meanly provid"^ that however 
their voyage shal be, they cannot but prove an insupported 
charge to the Colony, much disfurnished by the victualling of 
divers shipps lately returned thence, and so ill provided by 
a deceptful cropp, w""^ seemed large, but proved scant, as wee 
dare not acquaynt yo"" Lop^ what experience perswades us, 
That there is like to followe in the Colonie some great distresse 
for victualls except by speedy supply hence they be relieved. 

There is likewise in the Colony a most dangerous want of 
Powder, so great, as if the savages should but knowe advan- 
tage they have thereby they might easily in one day destroy 
all o"" people. 

There is most extreame want of hose, shoes, and all apparell, 
even to a dangerous empeachement of their healthes : and that 
so generall, as the provisions carried in these late shipps, will 
not as farr as wee cann learne, supply the Tenth part of their 
necessities. The want of such wonted supplies, will un- 
doubtedly much dismay and deject the Colony. But when 
they shall understand of the Companies dissolucon, for the 
continuance of whose Governem* and the Liberties they en- 
joyed under them, they were most importunate suitors to his 
Ma*'® and that they are returned under those handes w''^ they 
so much abhorred : ^ Wee doubt no possible meanes will be 
found to keepe the greatest and best part of the Colonie from 
imediatly cominge away. For wee are credibly informed, 
that some of the chiefs, have allready by sellinge of their Es- 
tates, made preparacon upon the first notice of the change, to 
leave the Country. But when further they shall heare the newes 

* I.e., under the control of Sir Thomas Smith, the chief manager of the 
company during the first twelve years. 



442 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1626 

of the late contract/ whereby all their hopes shal be quite ex- 
tinguished and all possibilitie of subsistance taken from them, 
wee cannot thinke that any will stay behinde that shall not 
be kept by force. 

But howsoever it shall happen : sure we are that by these 
alteracons and courses, the mindes of the Planters wil be filled 
w*^ such Jealousies and suspicions as it wil be a long while 
ere they wil be reduced to a firm resolucon of setting up the 
Rest of their Lives and hopes, in the Colony : which w*^ all 
humble duty we are bold to say hath bin and will ever bee a 
disposition most pernicious to the establishing of the Planta- 
tion: And the overcoming thereof by the Company, we hold 
to have bin one of the greatest services that they did. This 
wee conceave to be the state of the Colonic now in Virginia 
w""^ though they should be persuad"^ or forced to stay yet w*^- 
out supply of others sent hence, they must needs come to noth- 
inge in a very short space, although they had noe other enemy. 

As for adventuringe hence, what by the disgracinge of the 
Action itselfe, and the undeserved suffrings of the late Com- 
panie, the businesse is brought to such a stand, as seemes 
incredible : there being no preparacon that wee can heare of 
not only of any shipp, but of any man to goe to Virginia whereas 
comonly for divers yeares before, there were foure or five 
shipps in readinesse, and as many hundreds of men, at this 
tyme of the yeare. 

So that even in that reguard also the Colony will find them- 
selves both in great discomfort and in great danger. For al- 
though formerly they had no Forte on the Land to hinder a 
forraigne enemy : yet especially in the latter tymes, there was 
such a boundance of shipping comminge and goinge continually 
to Virginia that there hath bin sometymes told seaventeen sayle 

^ The reference here is to a contract authorized by the king, with a Mr. 
Ditchfield, by which the crop of tobacco, for the first two years, was to be 
hmited to 200,000 pounds, for which he was to pay the planters at the rate of 
2s. 4d. per pound for the higher grades, and Is. 4d. for the lower. Four 
hundred thousand pounds were not deemed enough at these rates. Bruce, 
Economic History of Virginia, I. 278. 



\ 



1625] THE DISCOURSE OF THE OLD COMPANY 443 

together in James River. Whereby besides that it was a con- 
tinuall terror to the Natives it would have bin a difficult thinge 
to endamage the Colonie, w^^out the power both of many 
shipps, and many souldiers, W*'^ was amongst divers others, 
a very mayne securitie and encouragement to persuade men 
boldly to goe to Virginia. But that and all other helpes being 
now foyled or much empayred although the nomber of men be 
at least Three tymes as many as when wee undertooke the 
Governem* ; yet will wee Ingenuously yield, that equall thanks 
and equall honour wil be due to them, who shall now recover 
and restore it to that prosperous and flourishing estate to w*"^ 
by Gods blessinge 0"* cares and labours had brought it, untill 
it was marred by them, who as appeares never loved it, but for 
their owne indirect ends, w''^ they have industriously pursued. 
Thus much touching the present estate of the Plantation, 
and the late generall decay thereof. 

Wherein wee hope yo*" Lop^ will excuse both our playnes ^ 
and prolixitie, tending to no other end, but only to present 
unto yo"" Lop^ viewe the cleare state and true neture of the 
Disease ; that so yo"" Lop^ in yo"" great wisdome may the better 
discerne and provide the proper remedies. Towards w*"^ 
since yo"" Lop^ have bin also pleased to require some preparative 
as it were of o"" opinions : wee will now humbly apply our selves 
to that consideration w^^out w*"^ all the rest were but griefe 
and labour. 

And here first wee are in duety forced to deliver unto yo"" 
Lo^^, that the restoring, supporting and re advancem* of that 
Plantation, wee hold to bee a worke, though of great necessitie 
for the honour, yea and service of his Ma*'®, these tymes con- 
sidered : yet w*^ all of soe extreame difficultie, that it is not 
to be rashly and unadvisedly undertaken, but w*^ great cir- 
cumspection, care, and preparacon, with assurance also of 
great assistance. 

For not to insist much, upon the nature and greatnes of 
the worke, so remote from the favourers, so vicine ^ to mighty 
maligners of it : and inded fitter for the power and purse of a 

' Plainness. ^ Neighboring. 



444 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1625 

Great Prince and State, then of private Adventure"^, and those 
allready exhaust and tyred ; the wounds w''^ since that great 
wound of the Massacre, it hath more lately receaved, from their 
handes whome it least beseemed, are still so wide and bleed- 
inge, that unlesse his Ma*'®, and yo"" Lo^^ as deputed from 
him, shall vouchsafe to apply a soveraine hand for the healing 
of them, wee are resolute of opinion, that it is impossible, the 
Plantation carried as formerly by private persons, should 
either prosper or long subsist : Those woundes wee conceave 
are these. First the generall disreputacon of the Business 
(Reputation being a principall pillar of all great actions) and 
that partly by some errors, neglects and disasters, but princi- 
pally by the late faction, though of a few and small Adventurers 
yet strongly and strangely inanimated and supported agaynst 
the great Body of Companie : whereof in fien also by under- 
mining misinformacons they have wrought the Disolucon ; and 
consequently lefte all, both Adventurers and Planters, in an 
utter uncertaynty of their Rights, Titles and Possessions: 
though promise was made that they should be reassured to 
them, w''^ these men have neglected to see performed. j 

Secondly the great discouragem* of sundry not of the mean- 
est both Adventurers and Planters, some of them persons, and 
others also of good qualitie : by whose cares and labours, to- i 
gether w*^ their friends and purses, the Plantation having 
formerly receaved no small encrease and benefit, to the Planters 
great comfort and content (w""^ they have not forborne from 
tyme to tyme to declare) : yet have they by the unjust cal- 
umnies and clamors of these men, bin continually prosecuted 
w*^ all variety of extremitie, to the rewarding of them with 
evill for their good deservings, and to the disheartening of all 
other, to succeed in like care and industry. 

Thirdly the present extreame povertie and consumpcon of 
the Plantacion being for want of the accustomed yearly sup- 
plies, reduced to that paucetie of men and want of all sorts 
well neere of necessary provision, that it cannot be restored 
but w*^ an huge expence, no less allmost then to sett up a 
new Plantation. 



1626J THE DISCOUIiSE OP THE OLD COMPAJS^Y 445 

Nowe touching the disreputacon of the Action, and the 
generall dishearteninge of the Adventurers and Planters, such 
especially as have spared neither paynes nor expence, for the 
recovering, supporting and advancinge the Plantation: We 
humbly crave yo"" Lop^ favourable patience, though wee some- 
what enlarge our selves in this place, to present in part the In- 
justice and greaveousnes of those wounds to the hono^^® minds 
and skillfull hands of yo"" I.op^ : Seeing that in our understand- 
inge the curing of them by yo"" Lop^, may be a meanes to re- 
vive agayne the generally deaded hearts of both Adventurers 
and Planters and to adde a new lustre and grace to the 
Action. 

Amongst the many glorious workes of the late Kinge, there 
was none more eminent, then his Gracious enclination, together 
w*^ the propagation of Christian Religion, to advance and sett 
forward a new Plantacion in the new world, W^ purpose of 
his continued till the last, manifested by his Ma* many pub- 
lique and private speeches by divers L^res of his, and by his 
sundry Proclamacons, so that their faults are farr the greater, 
who, as imediatly shal be declared, did malitiously and cun- 
ningly pervert those Gracious intencons of his Mat'^ by scan- 
dalizing the Government as it then stood, as neither convenient 
here nor likely there to advance the prosperitie of the Colonic ; 
and by insinuating assurances, that they themselves would 
mayntayne that worke by better meanes. Which his Ma*'® 
conceavinge (as it was reason) they would not so boldly have 
promised of themselves, being so great a worke unlesse they 
had had both knowledge and meanes to goe thorough w*^ it ; 
did also believe : and so they became the undertakers. And 
now, as it hath bin ever farr from o'' practize and agaynst o'' 
present desires to fall upon the persons of any men, where 
necessitie and justice of the cause doth not necessarilie require 
it: yet at this tyme it is impossible to cleare this pointe to 
yo'" Lop^ without naming some of their persons and particulariz- 
ing their Actions. About six yeares agoe, when by reason of 
the apparant misprosperinge of the Plantation, and the fowl- 
nes of the Accounts here, (the then Treasurer being Governour 



446 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [162.5 

of ffower or ffive other Companies/ w''^ excused his neglect of 
attending this business,) the Governem* of the Companie was 
translated from S'" Thomas Smith and Alderman Johnson, 
into S'' Edwin Sandis, and after into the Earle of Southamp- 
ton's hands and their deputies : it is notoriously knowne how 
they w*^ Captayne Argoll and other friends, partly peradven- 
ture through discontent for being removed from their places, 
but principally through feare, (their accounts, depredacons. 
Piracies and misgovernem*" being now questioned before the 
Counsell and in the Companies Courts) perpetuall disturbed 
and disgraced by severall wayes, both to his Ma*'® and to the 
world, all the present proceedings of the Companie, to the great 
disheartninge of the Companie here, and no small disadvan- 
tage of the Colonic. And of this, and of the bad effects of it, 
all our bookes and memories are full. But yet by God's as- 
sistance, and the unwearied courage of the Companie; wee 
ridd out this storme. The next blowe, as wee had reason to 
believe, proceeding by their underhand raysinge of new spiritts, 
drawne to disturbe us for their owne gayne was the bringing 
in of new and severall projects concerning Tobacco : w""^ was 
for the instant the only comoditie whereby the Planters mayn- 
tayned themselves, and so under colour of advancing profitt 
to his Ma*'® sometimes (as hath been before touched) wee were 
forbidden to bring in any Tobacco, sometimes to bring in but a 
small quant itie, and sometimes comaunded to bring in all. 
W^ varying directions did so distract and confound the Ad- 
venturers and Planters, that it had in a manner ruyned the 
Plantation. 

But yet by Gods assistance, and the constancy of the Com- 
panie, wee ridd out this storme also. The instruments in this 
worke that especiallie appeared, were the then S'' Lionell 
Cranfield,^ Mr. Jacob and some others : to the extreame damage 
of the Company, enrichement of themselves, and deceyt of his 
Ma*'® as was at large expressed and offered to be proved in the 

^ Sir Thomas Smith was presiding officer of the East India, Muscovy, 
Northwest Passage, and Somers Islands companies, as well as of the Virginia 
Company. ' Afterward Earl of Middlesex and lord high treasurer. 



( 



1626] THE DISCOURSE OF THE OLD COMPAKY 447 

last Parliament. Thirdly by the procuremen* of that part, 
divers scandalous peticons agayns* the company in generally 
and many in perticuler did putt us to much vexacon and 
trouble. But their accusacons were so fals, that wee also 
overcame this Third assault. 

After this another stratagem was obtruded upon us, under 
pretence of friendship and love of the Plantation. The Earle 
of Middlesex then Lo : high Treasurer of England who in re- 
spect of his place, was to take into his consideracon all thinges 
that had relacon to his Ma*^ revennue, did first propound to 
S'" Edwin Sandis, and afterwards to the Ea : of Southampton, 
the Lo : Cavendish and S'" Edwin Sandis together that the King, 
he knewe, had by S"" Thomas Smithes meanes and Alderman 
Johnsons, and some great friends and instruments of theires 
bin strangely possessed agaynst the forme of our Governmen*, 
and the consequences of it : and particularly that they had made 
such advantage by traducing the names of the Earle of South- 
ampton and S"" Edwin Sandis, that the business of the Plantacon 
fared the worse for their sakes. That he had already in Generall 
spoken w*^ his Ma*'^ and assured him, that the whispers and 
relacons of those men, had an eye to their owne safetie, and not 
the Colonie's good ; and that thereupon the King referred the 
whole consideracon of the Plantation, and what was best to 
be done, to his care. 

Upon this he propounded unto those before named, that 
the best way to engage the Kinge in his care of the Plan- 
tations, and to make it impossible for any hereafter to disturbe 
the Companie, as they had formerly done, was to thinke of 
some such meanes, whereby the profit of his Ma*'^, and the 
good of the Plantation, might hand in hand goe together. And 
to speake truth ; though those he spoke w*^ all, were at first 
very unwilling to swallowe this guilded pill, as having heard of 
the stile he used in negotiating other businesses of this nature : 
yet he was so full of protestacons in it, ever pretending the 
Companies good, and w*^ all procured further intimacon to the 
Earle of Southampton, that no service of his could be more 
acceptable to his Ma*'^ then this now propounded : that upon 



448 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1624 

these protestacons and assurance they engaged themselves to 
treat of a contract between his Ma*'^ and the companies. In 
the making whereof, the said Earle of Midd. remembered not 
his promised care of the Plantations; but in truth from one 
degree to another, wrested us to such condicons and such a rate, 
as was very dammeagh to the Plantacions. But upon serious 
debate in maney and full Courts, upon the whole matter wee 
were resolved, considering the protection of the Colonies, and 
favour promised; and to be free from those frequent projects 
that in former tymes had soe much wronged and disturbed us, 
to accept an hard bargayne : conceavinge that though it were 
not so good as wee desired, and was fitt to have bin offered; 
yet by it we shall be in a better case and way of benefitting the 
Plantations, then formerly wee were. 

And so in Michealmas terme, 1622, this contract w^^ be- 
gan to be treated of in Easter terme, was concluded by the sub- 
scription of the Earle of Middlesex his hand, and by sending the 
company word, that that day the whole Counsell board had 
given their assent thereunto, w*"^ was the first tyme the Com- 
pany understood that they had heard of the matter. The con- 
tract thus concluded, a great Tempest arose by what secrett 
cause and underhand procurement, wee may guess, but not 
affirm. But in a Court of the Company upon the 4th of Decem- 
ber following, one Mr. Wrote ^ Cosen Germane to the Earle of 
Middlesex, (discontent"^ also that he was passed over in the 
election of Officers) did w*'^ a passionate and blasting speech, 
inveigh agaynst the Contract, and the managing thereof w*^ 
sallary : agaynst the proceeding in the Treaty of it, as that it 
had bin unduly and unjustly carried, that men had bin over- 
awed, and that it had bin procured to private ends. Whereof 
not being able to make any shadowe of proofe and persisting 
still in his violent and contemptuous Demeande, upon a full 
hearinge he was thrust out of the Companie, and upon that 
ground joyned himself to S"" Thomas Smith, Alderman Johnson 

^ Samuel Wrote was son of Robert Wrote of Gunton, in Suffolk, England J 
He was a leading opponent of the Sandys-Southampton faction, and because 
of his violent language was suspended by them from the company. 



1625] THE DISCOURSE OF THE OLD COMPANY 449 

and that opposite party and drewe also with him Two more of 
his Companions, and so now made shewe of a formall party 
agaynst the Company. But for all this, wee still mayntayned 
the reputacon of o"" proceedings. The next of o"" troubles in 
order, (proceeding from what secrett cause, that w^^ follows 
will give yo"" Lop* more reason of conjecture, then wee will now 
affirme) was, that this opposite party then attayned to about 
25 in nomber, had some secrett encouragem* or other given 
them, directly to oppugne the Contract; w*"^ as is before de- 
clared was so formally made : and gave some reasons in writ- 
ing agaynst it to the then Lord Tre*" ; who receaving them, gave 
the company first suspicon of double intelligence and indirect- 
ness in his dealinges. 

But howsoever, the Earle of Southampton, the Lo : Caven- 
dish, S"" Edwin Sandis, and some other, being called by the Earle 
of Middlesex to his Chamber at Whitehall, then thought, that 
they had given such answers to them, as that his Lop^ rested 
satisfied. But his Lop^ after, speaking w*^ the Earle: of 
Southampton and the rest before named, told them that they 
that had opposed, were a clamorous Compan}^, and that to make 
the business goe current, it were best that their objections and 
o'" answers should be heard at the Counsell table. And upon 
hearing thereof, their accusacons, and o"" answers, the Earle 
of Middlesex, who assumed the chief knowledge and care of 
that business, did in the close of that hearinge use the words 
formerly rehearsed, of the leaud ^ carriage in former tymes, and 
of the latter in a manner miraculous recoverie. 

A greater testimony of o'' integritie and their guilt, could not 
be given. But as the sequall will manifest, and as wee have 
since found in other of his Lop^ proceedings, he meant to loose 
nothing by those words. Howsoever it was, and whatsoever 
wee suspect, not intending now to dive into those misaries, 
from that day forward, to the Conclusion of this business he 
professedly made himself e the patron to that side, and enemy 
to the company, for w*'^ wee appeal to yo"" Lop^ better knowl- 
edge. Afterwards about that Contract were divers meetings 

* Lewd. 

2g 



450 NAERATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [162C 

before the Lords, where it was principally inveighed agaynst 
by S'r Nathaniell Rich ; speaking agaynst the injustice and iin- 
conscionablenes of it; protesting that he had ever sold his 
Tobacco for ffive shillings a pound one w*^ another, and that 
every pound cost him Two shillings six pence in the Sumer 
Islands : and now to give a Third away to the King and perad- 
venture the price not to be much higher was agaynst justice 
and conscience. And here by the way, wee humbly crave 
leave to say thus much, that his conscience now serves him 
in this new Contract, to force the Planter and the Adventurer 
to sell their Tobacco, the best sort 2^4"^ and the second sort at 
sixteene pence a pound. But upon that former Demonstra- 
tive Argument of his, though it were so fully answered as noth- 
ing could be more, yet the Earle of Middlesex took his ground 
to condemn the contract he had signed, as hurtfull to the 
Plantacions; and to commaund the companies to thinke of 
propounding a better, and to bring it in writing w^^in Two 
dales : w''^ was accordingly done : and therein shewed that the 
hardnesse of this contract, was not by the Companies prop- 
osition, but by his Lop^ pressure. And therefore urged what 
had bin offered to his Lop^ at the fii'st ; that his Ma*'® would 
be contented w*^ a fourth and not require a third of o"" Tobacco. 
To w*'^ in great scorne his Lop^ replyed that take Two pence 
out of six pence their would rema^Tie a Groat. But the last 
Parliament saw that his best invention, was by adding 3£ to 40* 
to make up ffive pounds. But in conclusion that Contract was 
dissolved, and a commaund laid upon the Companies by his 
Lop* procurement to bring all o"" Tobaccoes in, under colour 
that Three pence custom was abated ; whereas in truth by his 
admitting also of all Spanish Tobacco, upon S'r John Wolsten- 
holmes ^ motion wee could not vent a third part of it here : and 
so by computacon, in respect of the quantitie unvented, wee 
paid neere doouble as much as before : w^^ was his only favour 
to the Plantations. 

The contract thus dissolved as publiquely damageable b^ 
the incouragement of the Earle of Middlesex, and industry of 

^ A leading member of the company. 



1626] THE DISCOURSE OF THE OLD COMPANY 461 

the ffive and twenty before menconed, (that so place might 
be made for this latter contract, so privately beneficiall, for 
so by the effect it hath appeared) : the Governm^ was now 
likewise to be questioned and altered, or else they compassed 
not their ends. Which to bring about, these two wayes were 
used. First a peticion was delivered to his Ma*^ by Alderman 
Johnson, in the name of the rest, inveighing against the latter 
Governm* and magnifying the former. And in the end, de- 
siring a commission to examine the proceedings of those last 
ffower. 

This peticon was by the Company at large answered to his 
Ma*'® and wee joyned in the point of having o"" actions examined 
by the Comission: but w''^ all thought it just, and desired, 
that their Twelve years Govermen* before might be also ex- 
amined: w''^ accordingly was ordered. The second means 
used by them, was to rayse up Captayne Butler, who hasting 
from the Summer Islands to Virginia, where he stayed but a 
few weeks, upon his returne delivered to his Ma*'® a paper 
called The unmasking of Virginia. The substance of w''^ 
was first the dispraise of the country and making of it an unfit 
place for any English Colony; and next scandalizing the 
Governm* of it, both here, and there. AAHiat concerned the 
colonie, was proved to be false by ff'orty witnesses : who chaunced 
to be in Towne then, and had bin often and long in the Colonie : 
And was endeavoured to be mayntaynedbyhim by two meanes 
only : one by practizing to gett the hands of Two men unto it, 
to whome he owed money and deferred payment : who when 
they heard it read in Co""*, protested that they never saw what 
they sett their hands to, and that Capt : Butler told them it 
was a Paper, w''^ he would shew the King for the good of the 
Plantation : and desired the companies pardon ; for whatever 
was there said was false. Secondly, he would made it to have 
bin better believed, by a forged U® w*"^ hee brought to Sr. 
John Bourchire from his daughter Mrs. Whittakers : ^ who 

^ Probably the wife of Jabez Whittaker, a member of the council of Vir- 
ginia and brother of Rev. Alexander Whittaker, formerly of Coxendale on 
James River. 



452 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1626 

knew it was not her hand. This was alleddged at the counsell 
Table : and Capt : Butler answered that she was sick and dic- 
tated it to him, and he wrote it. But since, both shee and her 
husband being come over, they bothe forsweare it, and say it 
was none of her doing nor direction. But howsoever, by these 
meanes the opposite party thus farre obteyned their ends, 
that by the Defamation, and this trouble ensuinge, a very 
great nomber that intended to have gone over, were descour- 
aged. 

But yet for all this, the Companie knewe their cause to be 
just and justifiable, that they did not abandon it : but pre- 
pared themselves to give divers charges before the commis- 
sion'"*, agayns* divers of the partie opposite; and professed 
themselves ready to make their owne defence whensoever they 
should be charged. But whilst the comission sate farther to 
descourage us, first all o'" Bookes, and after the minutes of 
them were sent far away from us ; that none of the L'res that 
then came from Virginia were to be scene by us, being all 
seazed on by the Comission™. But touching the rest of the 
caridge of that comission, because it was at large delivered in 
Parliment, and offered to be proved, if further proceedinge in 
that businesse had not bin forborne upon a L're written to 
the house from His Ma*'^ wee will now to yo"* Lo^^ say only 
this : That whatsoever was brought by us concerninge accounts, 
depredacon, misgovernement, and divers other crimes, agaynst 
perticuler persons, was by this comission, (especially directed 
by the Earle of Midd.) shuffled of for all the tyme, till the comis- 
sion was even at the end nothing done upon them. And on 
the contrary, whatsoever could be gathered out of the frag- 
ments of L'res from discontented persons in Virginia concern- 
ing either the place, or governem* was diligently collected by 
them, and receaved by the Earle of Middlesex as a great testi- 
mony agaynst us; and would not take those other L'res for 
proof w''^ wee ever guided o'" selves by; and came from the 
Governour and counsell there. And lastly some three dayes 
before their Comission ended, they putt us on a sodayne to 
answere to 39 Articles, or else they would take them pro con- 



1626] THE DISCOURSE OF THE OLD COMPANY 453 

fesso. This they thought for us impossible to doe. But wee 
deceaved their expectacon; and they could not find in the 
least perticulei"; any just ground to make any report agaynst 
us/ 

By all this the Earle of Middlesex and that partie, perceav- 
ing the companie would not be beaten off a good cause ; there 
was a practise to try whether wee had rather part from the 
business, or from our mony. Where upon wee were called 
before the Counsell agayne, and there that side as compas- 
sionate affecters of the Plantation, urged the want of corne and 
other necessaries there, and that they were hke to perish for 
want of provisions. The Earle of Midd. replied, it was a matter 
of so great importance, and concerned the Hves of so many of 
the King's subjects, that if the Companie would not presently 
take order for sending supplies, the state would call in their 
Pattent. Whereupon the Companie conceaving that if they 
did send supplyes, their Pattent would not be taken from them, 
underwritt to a Roule (though they knewe the necessitie was 
nothing so great) foure thousand and odd pounds, w''^ was paid 
and sent : and those Gentlemen that before seemed so zealous, 
subscribed Twelve pounds, and paid it not. Upon w*'^ com- 
parison wee leave it to yo"" Lop" to judge w''^ party was the 
true father of this child. This then not succeeding according to 
their desires, certayne obscure persons were found out by the 
Earle of Midd., to be sent into Virginia, as Comission''^ for 
these two ends, as wee have since found. First to sifte out 
what they could agaynst the forme of o"" Governm* here and 
there : and next to persuade the people to become Peticon to 
his Ma*'® for a newe ^ W''^ succeeded not according to their ex- 
pectacon. For b}^ the Colonies Peticons, answeres to those 
papers that had bin dehvered agaynst them, and divers other 
remonstrances to his Ma*'® from a Generall Assembly there 
they shewed the misery wherein they lived, or rather languished 



^ The answer was prepared by Sir Edwin Sandys, Nicholas Ferrar, and 
Lord Cavendish, who scarcely slept in the interval. Carter's Ferrar ^ p. 71. 
' Form of government. 



i54 KAKRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1626 

in S*T Thomas Smithe's tyme ; and their happy estate in this 
latter Government: concludinge that if his Ma**® intended 
to alter the Government, and put it into the former hands, 
their humble suite to him was; That Comission'^ might be 
sent over to another purpose before declared. The writinges 
themselves will manifest this more at large. These comis- 
sioners thus sent to Virginia, the Earle of Midd. and the rest 
were not idle in further distractinge the Companie, to give their 
assent for surrendring their Pattent, and altringe the forme of 
Governm* ; and a newe one was proposed. W^ according to 
order they takinge into consideracon, w*^ duetie refused : ren- 
dring also in writing the reasons of their refusall. Whereupon 
a Quo Warranto was directed by the Earle of Midd. suggestion 
for the calUng in of their Pattent. 

In the meanetime, to affright men, both from cominge to 
and much more from speaking in Courts, mens wordes were 
then carped at and complayned of : and their persons by the 
Earle of Midd. prosequution, were upon quick hearinge sent to 
prison. 

Yet for all this the Comp° stood to their owne Justificacon, 
and defence of their Pattent. Now Mr. Atturney,^ according 
to the duty of his place and instructions given him, urged the 
misgovernem*" of the Companie, and consequently the ruyne 
of the Plantation. To w""^ point we were willinge to joyne 
issue. But afterwards in o"" reply to his pleadinge w*^out 
further enquiry of the former allegation, advantage was taken 
upon o*" mispleading, and in fine w^^out any farther ground 
that wee knowe of, the Patent was Trinity terme following, 
condemned : But for anything that we have yet seene no judg- 
ment entered. Yo'" Lop^ by the perticulers before related do 
see by what courses wee were reduced to this extremitie. One 
thinge yet wee thinke most necessary to adde; It hath bin 
said by many, and perticulerly by some principall persons of 
the opposite partie, that the dissolutions of these Plantacons 
was part of the Count of Gondomars Instructions. And cer- 

* Thomas Coventry, knighted in 1617, appointed attorney-general Janu 
ary 11, 1621, lord keeper in 1625, and died in 1640. 



1625] THE DISCOURSE OF THE OLD COMPANY 456 

taynely wee found his activenes in negotiatinge here, such, that 
in bringing about his owne ends, he could create here, instru- 
ments of o'"selves agaynst our selves. Wee say not that he 
and other Spanish Ministers practised thus amongst us. 
These two only perticulers, wee crave leave to offer unto yo"" 
Lop^ Judgem^^ When S'r Samuell Argoll some six or seaven 
yeares since, was vehemently complayned agaynst by Padre 
Maestro and the Spanish secretarie then here for Piracie aga}Tist 
the Kinge of Spaines subjects in the West Indies he no sooner 
came home from Virginia, and appeared an opposite to the 
present Company, who questioned him for divers misdemean- 
ors and amongst others for this ; but the heate of the Spanish 
accusacon did presently cease. Our second observacon is this, 
yo"" Lop^ cannot but remember, w*^ what extreame earnestnes 
the Count of Gondomar and afterwards Don Carlo di Coloma,^ 
inveighed agaynst Capt. Butler whilst he was in Summer Is- 
lands about the Spanish wrack. And so violent were they 
about it that the Lo: Stewart, now w*^ God, and the Lo: 
Chamberlaine, were entreated to come on purpose to the Sumer 
Islands company, about that business. And a comission was 
directed by the Lords of the Counsell, to examine the truth of 
the cause in the Sumer Islands. W^ Captain Butler having 
been forewarned by some friends of his left his Governmen*" 
before he had leave, and before the arrivall of the Comission: 
Having first there endeavoured to alienate the minds of the 
people from the forme of Governmen* here. But he was no 
sooner come home, and delivered to his Ma*'® The unmasking 
of Virginia before spoken of, but there was an end of Don Carlo 
Di Colomas prosecution. Wee have related the particulars; 
and make no application. 

As for the late Comission,^ w''^ hath suceeded in the place 
of the Companies ; if wee might have seen the business seriously 

' Spanish ambassador after Gondomar. 

* On June 24, 1624, shortly after the decision of Chief-Justice Ley- 
revoking the charter, the king appointed a commission of sixteen persons, 
among whom were Sir Thomas Smith and other opponents of Sandys and 
Southampton, to take charge temporarily of Virginia affairs; and on Jv.ly 
15, 1624, he enlarged this commission by forty more persons. 



io6 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1625 

taken into the Grave cares and prosequuted w*^ the Noble 
paynes of those most hono^'^ personages, whose names are 
inserted in the sayd Comission : wee should have hoped to have 
seene some good effect befitting their great and eminent worth. 
But whilst their more weighty affairs have hindered them the 
business hath bin principally carried only by those persons 
that were the chiefe opposers of the late Comp : ffor although 
there be named divers worthy Gentlemen, and Citizens like- 
wise, in the Comission: yet as wee understand, the most of 
them have forborne altogether to appeare at any meeting. 
A\Tieref ore when either in o"" wordes or thoughts, wee complajme 
of any proceedings of the late Comission wee alwayes except 
both all the persons of Honour and indifferency: and only 
intend those others, whose stomacks were so great, as they 
durst undertake the overthrowinge of the late Companie; 
and yet their harts so narrow, as they have not dared to ad- 
venture all of them during these Nyne moneths, so far as wee 
can learne, one five pounds to the advancem* or subsistance of 
the Plantation. 

By the publique L^res of the Governour, delivered them in 
July last, they understood of the extreame want of Powder 
in the Colonic : and were often told from us of the great danger 
that might ensue thereby : Yet did they neglect the sending of 
any in the shipp or in the second : but about Christmas, and since 
in March they have sent a small quantitie, obteyned by his 
late Ma*^ guifts (as wee heare) out of the Tower. 

This did not the late Company: who upon notice of the 
massacre, did by the first ship send 42 Barrels of Powder ; for 
halfe whereof the Officers having disturbed the money, are yet 
unsatisfied. 

Whereas all the ffower shippes now sent, were prepared 
in the Comp""^ tyme; these last Comissioners callinge in the 
Comissions graunted them by the late Company, made them 
take new as from themselves that so they might glory upon 
anothers foundacon. But whilst they thus hunted after 
windy ambition, hindringe the two first shipps from takinge 
a faire winde; they have bin the causes of all the lament- 



1626] THE DISCOURSE OF THE OLD COMPANY 457 

able calamities and distresses, w*^^ in so long voyages must 
needs befall them. 

The principal scope of his late Ma^" comission to them, as 
wee understand was that they should finde a better forme of 
Governem* for the Plantacions advancement; and therein is 
especially promised the conservacon of every mans right. In- 
tentions worthy the wisedome and Justice of so great a Prince. 
But as farr as wee can understand these comissioners have done 
nothing towards either of these ends: But quite contrary to 
the second. 

By an unknown contract, w^^ themselves will not so much 
as declare much less are able to defend ; they have sought to 
have amongst themselves, twice as much upon every mans 
goods, as they will leave to the Owner thereof. And although 
they say only three of them are Contractors yet wee cannot be- 
lieve it, having observed the ends of some of them for many years, 
to have constantly bin bent to the compassinge of some such 
advantage, as they have now by this bargayne ga3^ned. It is 
constantly reported that they have liberally given that w""^ was 
not their owne, to those who have no right thereto ; as namely 
the Colonies kine to S'r Samuell Argoll and Mr. AA^oodall sur- 
geon to S'r Thomas Smith. But this and all their other pro- 
ceedings are kept in great secrett : w""^ breeds suspicon that they 
have not bin good : else why doe they fly the Light ? This is 
cleane contrary to the use of the late Company: who did all 
things in publique w*'^ was a cause of as great satisffacon, as 
this of distaste. 

And as in this, so in all other thinges do they proceed cleane 
contrary to all right in o'' understandinge. They publish 
their Intention of cmployinge S'r Samuell Argoll and Captaine 
Butler for Governours agayne in the Plantations agaynst 
whome the Colony hath professed open enmity. How they 
should make the Colony encrease by these means, w^^ will 
bring home most of them that are there allready wee cannot 
imagine. 

Neither are S'r Thomas Smith nor Alderman Johnson fitt 
or hkely men to reunite the late Companie, or to drawe them 



458 NARKATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1626 

onto any thing for the Plantations advancement, since as the 
whole world knowes the late Company have not onl}^ allwayes 
conceaved extreamly ill of them but in the yeare 1623 putt up 
pubhque accusations agaynst them, of very dangerous Con- 
sequence. As for the Colony yo'" Lop^ have formerly heard their 
like opinions. 

Nor cann the late Companie conceave Mr. Wrote a fitt lu- 
strum^ to sett forward the business; whome they thought 
unworthy to bee of their Societie. 

Nor that those w^ho out of pretence for New Englands good, 
have truly wronged Virginia should now runne right way for 
the behalf e thereof. Nor in sum that those who have Uttle 
or no interest in the Plantation should be so sencible of it as 
were fitt. In w*"^ number wee accompte S'r Nathaniell Rich ; 
who to our knowledge hath not adventured any thinge for the 
good thereof but contrary wise hath been so perpetuall a hin- 
derer and disturber of the Action, that the body of the Com- 
pany, addressed a Peticon of Complainte, to the last Parlia- 
ment, cravinge justice against him, for his injurious and most 
unworthy practices. 

Nor that they that meane not to adventure any thinge, will 
be able to persuade others to doe that w*''' themselves for- 
beare. 

Nor that ever they will do the adventurers of the late Com- 
panie, right, in matters of their Estates, that have so violently 
endeavoured to do them wrong in their Honors Reputacons, 
having intended as themselves wright, a Reformacon and cor- 
rection of the Original court bookes of the late Companie then 
possessed by them, if they could have gott into their hands 
certayne copies of them w*"^ Mr. Necholas Ferrar late Deputy 
at his owne charges caused to be transcribd.^ But before there 
severe order came to him he had delivered his copys to the 
Earle of Southampton : who sent the comissioners word, that 



* These copies are the identical volumes now possessed by the Library 
of Congress (having come to it from the library of President Jefferson) and 
recently put into print. 



{ 



1025] THE DISCOURSE OF THE OLD COMPANY 459 

ho would as soone part w*^ the evidences of his Land, as w^^ 
the said Copies, being the evidence of his honour in that Ser- 
vice : So by this meanes have the Original Court bookes yet 
escaped purging : And w*^ all duety wee humbly beseech yo"^ 
Lop' that they may hereafter be protected from it : And that 
howsoever yo' Lop' shall please for the future to dispose of 
the Companie, that the records of their past Actions may not 
be corrupted and falsified. 

As for their resolucions of orderinge the business, wee cannot 
say anythinge, because wee heare nothing, and we doubt they 
meane nothinge ffor all that wee heare tends only to nothing. 
They dishke the sending of nombers of men. They professe the 
reducinge of all trading to a Joynt stock or Magazine : w'^ 
courses in o' judgements tend directly to the subversion of the 
Plantation at least to the appropriatinge of it to themselves 
which to have bin the mayne end of some of them, the late 
Counsell and Companie for Virginia, have upon strong presump- 
con bin long agoe induced to believe : and therefore have now 
thought themselves bound to declare it, that yo' Lop' in yo' 
Noble wisedomes may make such due prevencon as shall be fitt : 
Humbly beseechinge, that this perticular examinacon of their 
Actions and persons, may not be interpreted to proceed from 
private spleene, but only from a sincere desire of the Plantations 
advancement. 

Wee doubt and feare, that we have wearied yo' Lop' w* 
the large relation of the proceedings of these men, wee meane 
the partie opposite to the late Companie and Colonic. Whereby 
as they have laid all kind of Disreputacion upon the Action, 
and made that in the estimacon of the world vilde and con- 
temptible, w'^ before was held worthy, beneficiall, and honour- 
able : so by their manifold and incessant practises, to wrong 
and oppress, to defame and disgrace, by unjust and unworthy 
aspirsions, and contumelies, (and that by word and writing over 
all the kingdome) the innocency of men zealous for the good of 
Virginia, for no other fault save only for their love of right and 
justice ; they have bredd a great disheartninge and discouragemt 
of many the most forward and most constant adventurers 



460 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA [1625 

whose industry also and labours bin of great use to the Planta- 
tion, All w*"^ being wearied out w*^ their mallice and injuries 
and loath to spend more of their lives in so unthankfull a ser- 
vice, are humble suitors unto yo"" Lo^^ that they may be spared 
from all farther employment in this Action. And that if these 
men will now at length apply themselves seriously to the busi- 
nes of the Colonies both w*^ their paynes and purses, w""^ they 
have hitherto spared and undertake, (w''^ they owe to his Ma*'® 
and the State) the repairinge those ruynes of the Plantation, 
whereof they have bin the chief e cause and instruments : the 
Government thereof may, as it is, be continued in them, giv- 
ing fitt securitie for so great a debt and duty. For wee pro- 
test unto yo'" Lo^^ upon our truth and fideUtie that if his 
Ma*^ may be served, the Colony secured and cherished, justice 
duly administred, mens rights and states preserved, innocent 
men not oppressed, and malefactors not protected and re- 
warded : wee shall be so farr from envying the glory of their 
Governement, that extinguishinge for ever the memoiy of all 
their former inguries, wee will be ready to doe them all fitt ser- 
vice that they shall require. 



INDEX 



Abbay, Thomas, 160; publishes 
Smith's manuscripts, 75; dedica- 
tions written by, 77-78, 119-121. 

Abbot, Jeffrey, 76, 140, 162; sent to 
punish the conspirators, 189; char- 
acter, 303. 

Abigale, ship, 355. 

Accomac Indians, 89 ; fishing methods, 
103; character, 354-355. 

Accomack, company's land at, 35 1^ 
351 n. 

Acohanocks, 89. 

Acorns, uses, 90, 91. 

Acquaviva, Father Claude, letter to, 
228. 

Acquintanacksuaks, 87. 

Acrigge, George, 162. 

Adams, Robert, 169, 426. 

Aguiar, Don Rodrigo de, 291. 

Alberton, Robert, 140. 

Algernourne Fort, 11, 200; described, 
223. 

Alicock, Jeremy, 126. 

American Anthropologist, 113 n. 

Amocis, Indian spy, Smith tests the 
honesty of, 68-69. 

Anacostans, 202. See Nacostans. 

Anchanachuck, 49. 

Anne, queen of Great Britain, 325 n.; 
Smith's letter to, 325. 

Anone, 49. 

Apokant, location, 42. 

Appomattox Indians, 47, 84, 85, 113; 
Percy \dsits, 14, 14 n.; Smith enter- 
tained by, 34, 40, 54; Dale's con- 
quest of, 305-306. 

Appomattox River, 14 n., 83; dis- 
covery of, 161. 

Aquia Creek, see Quia Creek. 

Aquohanock, 352. 

Arber, Edward, ed.. Works of Captain 
John Smith, 4, 75, 291. 

Archaeologia Americana, 4. 

Archer, Gabriel, 125, 191; wounded 
by the Indians, 10, 32; returns to 



England, 71 n.; censures Smith, 52; 
Smith's injustice toward, 75; at- 
tempted abandonment of the colony, 
130; opposition to the government, 
194; conspiracy of, 196; A Relatyon 
of the Discovery of our River, 34 n. 

Archer's Hope, discovered, 14. 

Archer's Hope Creek, 15 n= 

Argall, Samuel, 239; arrival at 
Jamestown, 189; French settle- 
ments destroyed by, 189 n., 227, 
313; is despatched to the Bermudas, 
202; deputy-governor of Virginia, 
207; trading expeditions, 212, 213; 
petition for the discharge of bonds 
issued to, 275-276; settlement es- 
tablished by, 275 n. ; encourages 
slave-trade, 282-283; expedition to 
WiQ Potomac River, 300, 307; re- 
turn to England, 317, 335; contri- 
bution to the Generall Historic, 328- 
334; government, 330, 433 n. ; pe- 
titions the Council for supplies, 332 ; 
seeks redress for the murder of cer- 
tain colonists, 333 ; trouble vdih the 
Virginia Company, 334, 334 n.; 
opinion of the Indians, 386 ; furnishes 
supplies for the colonists, 398; ac- 
cusations against, 455; enmity of 
the colonists for, 457. 

Argall's Gift, 338 n.; delegates from, 
250. 

Argall's Town, petition of the inhabit- 
ants of, 275-276; location, 275 n. 

Argent, John, adventure, 389. 

Arrohateck, 113; Smith at, 33, 33 n., 
34. 

Arrohateck Indians, 84. 

Arsek Indians, 143. 

Asbie, John, death, 20. 

Ascacap, Indian \dllage. Smith visits, 
41. 

Atlamuspincke, Indian village, 41. 

Atquacke, 387. 

Atquanachuke Indians, 89, 150. 



461 



462 



INDEX 



Azores, Argall sails for, 211, 231; Lord 
Delaware at, 331. 

Baggly, Anthony, 162, 163. 
Bagnall, Anthony, 147. 
Baldwin, rescues his wife, 360. 
Ballagh, History of Slavery in Virginia, 

337 n. 

Baltimore, Lord, boundary of Mary- 
land determined by, 86 n. 
Bancroft, George, 248. 
Bargrave, Captain George, 335-336; 

privileges granted to, 267. 
Bargrave, Thomas, gift to the college, 

351; death, 351 n. 
Barnes, Joseph, 76, 119. 
Barnes, Robert, 140. 
Barret, Thomas, 337. 
Bartas, Guillaume du. La Creation, 

371, 371 n. 
Basse, Nathaniel, Indian attack upon, 

361, 361 n. 
Bathori, Sigismund, rewards Smith, 

27. 
Bayley, William, 140. 
Beast, Benjamin, 21, 
Becam, see Vieques. 
Beckwith, William, 140, 
Bedle, Gabriell, 159. 
Beheathland, Robert, 126, 134, 162, 

170, 172, 173. 
Belfield, Richard, 140. 
Bell, Henry, 160. 
Bentley, William, 140, 162, 188. 
Berkeley Hundred, first colony for, 

338 n. 

Berkeley, John, murdered by the 
Indians, 363 n. 

Berkeley, Richard, 338 n. 

Bermuda City, 306 n. 

Bermuda Hundred, 34 n., 312, 333. 

Bermuda Islands, 411; Sir Thomas 
Gates shipwrecked on, 201; pro- 
visions sought from, 202; English 
colonization of, 219; fortress at, 
219 n.; described, 220; history of, 
296 n.; Sir George Somers at, 300. 

Biard, Father Pierre, letter of, 228- 
234; settlement of, 227; capture, 
229; is taken to Virginia, 230; ex- 
periences before reaching France, 
233. 

Bigge, Richard, 426. 



Birds, abundance of, 9, 37; kinds, 15 

Black River, 84 n. 

Blany, Edward, 426. 

Bloodroot, uses, 93. 

Blount, Captain, member of the 
council, 345. 

Blount Point, 412. 

Bohun, Laurence, physician to Dela- 
ware, 210, 210 n.; death, 344, 344 n. 

Bole Armoniac, 82, 87, 143. 

Bonanova, ship, 337. 

Booth, John, 140, 324; contribution 
to the Generall Historie, 316-325. 

Bourchier, Sir Henry, 405. 

Bourchier, Sir John, 451. 

Bourne, James, 140, 141, 147, 162. 

Box, William, contribution to the 
Generall Historie, 297-301. 

Boys, Cheney, 378 n. 

Boys, John, 256; elected a burgess, 
250. 

Boys, Luke, 426. 

Boys, Sarah, a captive among the 
Indians, 378, 378 n., 385, 385 n. 

Bradford, WiUiam, friendship of, for 
Pory, 281. 

Bradley, Thomas, 160. 

Brandon, delegates from, 250. 

Bread, Indian manner of making, 18. 

Brereton, Briefe and True Relation, 
21 n. 

Brewster, WilHam, 125; death, 20; 
trouble with Argall, 334, 334 n. 

Brinton, Edward, 126, 162, 169, 170. 

Brislow, Richard, 140. 

Brookes, Edward, 126; death, 8. 

Brookes, Sir John, 125; approves 
Smith's proposals, 375. 

Brown, Alexander, First Re-public, 
304 n., 340 n., 362 n. ; Genesis of the 
United States, 208, 217, 227,297 n., 
302, 321 n., 344 n., 396. 

Browne, Edward, 358; death, 21. 

Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, 
442 n. 

Brumfield, James, 126. 

Buck, Richard, 333; opens the Vir- 
ginia assembly, 248, 251, 251 n. 

Buckler, Andrew, 153. 

Burket, William, 140. 

Burrows, Anne, 160. 

Burrows, John, 160. 

Burton, George, 159. 162. 



INDEX 



463 



Butler, Nathaniel, arrival, 389; 
searches for Argent, 390; rumors 
concerning, 391; governor of the 
Bermuda Islands, 411; the Virginia 
planters' answer to, 412-418; at- 
tacks the Virginia government, 
438, 439; forgery of, 452; accusa- 
tions against, 455; enmity of the 
colonists for, 457; "The Unmasked 
Face of Our Colony in Virginia as it 
Was in the Winter of the Yeare 
1622," 389 n., 411, 451, 452. 

Cailicut, William, discovers silver, 156. 

Canada, 105 n. 

Canaries, John Smith arrives at, 32; 

colonists at, 122. 
Cantrill, William, 140, 141; contri- 
bution to the Generall Historic, 316- 

325. 
Capp, William, 256; elected a burgess, 

250. 
Cappahowasicke, 50; location, 50 n. 
Capper, Thomas, 126. 
Carayon, Father Augusts, S. J., 

Premiere Mission des Jesuites au 

Canada, 227 . 
Carleton, Sir Dudley, Pory's letter to, 

282. 
Carter, Ferrar, 453 n. 
Cary, Henry, first Lord Hunsdon, 207. 
Cary, Katherine, 207. 
Cassatowap, quarrel with Thomas 

Savage, 353. 
Cassen, George, 126; murder, 116. 
Cassen, Thomas, 126. 
Cassen, William, 126. 
Castro, Vasco de, murder, 366. 
Catataugh, 115. 
Causey, Nathaniel, 426; murdered 

by the Indians, 360. 
Causey, William, 140. 
Cavendish, Lord, accusations against, 

447, 449; efforts to retain the 

charter, 453 n. 
Cecocawone, 145. 

Champlain, Samuel de. Voyages, 150 n. 
Charles I., king of Great Britain, 81 n. 
Charles, Cape, 81. 
Charles Qty, 306 n., 356 n., 418 n.; 

incorporated, 337, 337 n.; aban- 
doned, 417. 
Charles Hundred, 424. 



Charter of Orders, Laws, and 
Privileges, 255, 256-257; adoption, 
259; results of the revocation of, 
400; history of the revocation, 
450-455. 

Chawonock, 163; described, 355. 

Chawonoke Indians, 89. 

Chesapeake Bay, Percy enters, 9; 
Smith anchors in, 32; natives of, 
attack colonists, 48; described, 81, 
82, 222, 223; Smith explores, 141- 
151. 

Chesapeake Indians, 84. 

Chesapeake, town of, discovered, 
89. 

Chester, Captain Anthony, 344 n.; 
contribution to the Generall Historic, 
340-344; voyage to Virginia, 340- 
344; fight with two Spanish men- 
of-war, 341-344. 

Chew, John, 426. 

Chicacoan Indians, 86, 372. 

Chickahominies, 84; choose Opechan- 
canough for king, 35 n.; Smith's 
expedition to, 39-40, 129, 157; 
colonists assisted by, 39 n.; trading 
methods of, 57; conspire against 
the colonists, 67-70; governors of, 
84; character, 183-184; law con- 
cerning, 262; conclude a peace 
with Dale, 310-311; attacks upon, 
323-324, 389; attack the colonists, 
333. 

Chickahominy River, 84, 157 n., 387; 
Smith explores, 41-43, 130, 387 n. 

Chippokes Creeks, 83 n. 

Cinquoateck, Smith anchors at, 60, 
61. 

City Point, 306 n., 356; delegates 
from, 249. 

Clarke, John, 160. 

Clayborne, William, 349. 

Clergy, laws concerning, 271-272, 273. 

Clovill, Eustis, 126. 

Coan River, 86 n. 

Coe, Thomas, 134, 140, 162, 177; fail- 
ure to kill Smith, 196, 196 n.; re- 
port of, 198. 

Cole, Edward, plot, 303 n., 304; exe- 
cution, 304 n. 

College, land grant for, 337, 337 n.; 
means of supporting, 338; contri- 
butions to, 350-351. 



464 



INDEX 



Collier, Samuel, 126, 153; remains 
with Powhatan, 163; death, 385. 

Collings, Henry, 159. 

Coloma, Don Carlo di, accuses Butler 
of piracy, 455. 

Colonial Records of Virginia, Senate 
Document Extra, 248. 

Columbus, Christopher, 77, 78; colony 
of, 365; imprisonment, 366. 

Comfort, Cape, named, 11. 

Commissioners for the Reformation of 
Virginia, questions put to Smith by, 
399-405. 

Copeland, Patrick, 356; starts sub- 
scription for a free school, 350 n. 

Copper, desire of Indians for, 307, 

Corn, 95-97; efforts to obtain, 37, 
161, 165, 176, 323-324; rats devour, 
185; price of, 414-415. 

Cornehus, 398. 

Cortes, Hernando, discoveries of, 301 ; 
conquest of Mexico, 386. 

Cotten, Robert, 141. 

Cotton, abundance of, 7; prodigious 
growth of, 349. 

Council of New England, 191 n. 

Council of Virginia, alters its govern- 
ment, 191; attitude toward Pow- 
hatan's coronation, 152-153; ex- 
tract from a declaration bj% 301- 
302; extract from a letter by, 345- 
347; policy of, 346, 346 n. 

Couper, Thomas, 126. 

Coventry, Sir Thomas, opposition 
to the company, 454, 454 n. 

Craddock, Lieutenant, 141 n. 

Cranfield, Lionel, see Middlesex, Earl 
of. 

Crofts, Richard, 126. 

Croshaw, Raleigh, 159, 162, 170, 173, 
175, 204, 204 n., 383, 426; voyage 
to the Potomac, 372; experiences 
among the Indians, 376-378; plot 
to overthrow Opechancanough, 384; 
opinion of the Indians, 386, 388. 

Cuba, 219, 219 n. 

Cutler, Robert, 140. 

Cuttatawomen, 47, 86. 

Dale, Lady, privileges granted to, 267. 

Dale, Sir Thom.as, 401 ; arrival at 
Jamestown, 302, 320; political posi- 
tion?, 202 n. ; establishes a settlement, 



141, 305; deputy-governor of Vir- 
ginia, 207; censures the colonists, 
208; government of the colony, 
220 n., 302-303, 303 n., 304; treat- 
ment of French prisoners, 230; 
Rolfe's letter to, 239-244; seeks a 
ransom for Pocahontas, 308; con- 
cludes a peace with the Indians, 
309-311; private property insti- 
tuted by, 312; a proposal to marry 
the daughter of Powhatan, 314- 
315; letter of, 316; return to Eng- 
land, 321. 

Danvers, Sir John, political leadership, 
429. 

Dauxe, John, 160. 

Davidson, Christopher, secretarj'^ for 
Virginia, 348, 348 n. 

Davis, Captain James, 200; arrival, 
294; Spanish spies arrested by, 
321. 

Davis, Thomas, elected a burgess, 250. 

Dawson, William, 140. 

Deane, Charles, editor of the True 
Relation, 29. 

De Bry, map of, 53. 

Delaware, Lady, friendship for Poca- 
hontas, 237; privileges granted to, 
267; presents Pocahontas at court, 
329. 

Delaware, Lord, 401 ; sails for Eng- 
land, 3, 211, 301; governor of 
Virginia, 191, 191 n.; arrival at 
Jamestown, 202, 297; biographical 
sketch of, 207; censures the colo- 
nists, 208; severe experiences at 
Jamestown, 210; government, 299; 
builds new forts, 300; death, 331; 
Relation, 208, 209-214. 

Dermer, Thomas, arrival, 337; voy- 
age up the Hudson, 337 n. 

Dilke, Clement, 426. 

Discovery, ship, 122 n. 

Ditchfield, government contract with, 
442 n. 

Dixon, John, 229. 

Dixon, Richard. 126. 

Dods, John, 126, 162. 

Dole, Richard, 141. 

Dominica, Percy anchors at, 5 n,; 
Smith sails for, 32; colonists at^ 
122; sea-fight at, 340-344. 

Dowman, William, 160. 



INDEX 



465 



Downs, Percy anchors in, 5; Smith 

encounters dangers in, 32. 
Dowse, Thomas, 160, 256; makes 

known Volda's conspiracy, 189; 

elected a burgess, 249. 
Drake, Sir Francis, circumnavigation 

of the globe, 59 n. 
Dutchmen, allies of the savages, 170, 

177, 188, 189; assist Powhatan, 

175, 180-182. 
Du Thet, settlement of, 227; death, 

229. 
Dyer, William, 134; conspiracy of, 

186; failure to kill Smith, 196 n.; 

report of, 198. 

Each, Captain, 416; sent to build 
a fort, 355. 

East India School, 356, 356 n. 

Edmonds, Sir Thomas, 207, 208. 

Edward, Ould, 126. 

Elizabeth City, 372; delegates from, 
250; named, 259; incorporated, 
337, 337 n.; Newce fortifies, 378. 

Elizabeth, queen of Great Britain, 207. 

Elizabeth River, 84 n. 

Elizabeth, ship, 372. 

EHis, David, 162. 

Emry, Thomas, 126; on the Chicka- 
hominy, 43. 

Essex, Earl of, Lord Delaware im- 
plicated in rebellion of, 207. 

Evans, 336. 

Fairfax, Margery, death, 333. 

Fairfax, William, Indians murder the 
family of, 333, 333 n. 

Falls, the, of the James River, 48, 124; 
proposed expedition beyond, 64-65; 
West's settlement at, 192, 193; 
attack of the savages at, 301. 

Fayal, 232. 

Feld, Thomas, 141. 

Felgate, Captain, 391. 

Ferrar, John, 340 n., 406; deputy-gov- 
ernor, 335, 335 n., 344, 345 n.; priv- 
ileges granted to, 405; political 
leadership, 429. 

Ferrar, Nicholas, Jr., 247, 458; politi- 
cal leadership, 335 n., 429; be- 
quests, 339-340; efforts to retain 
the charter, 453 n. 

Fetherstone, Richard, 140, 141, 147. 



Fish, abundance of, 81 ; kinds, 95. 

Florida, 80. 

Flowerdew Hundred, delegates from, 
250; fortifications, 415, 416; loca- 
tion, 415 n. 

FloAvre, George, death, 20. 

Force, Peter, Historical Tracts, 302 n., 
422 n. 

Ford, Robert, 125, 162, 170, 175. 

Forest, George, 140. 

Forest, Mistress, 160. 

Forest, Thomas, 160. 

Fort Charles, 223 n., 300. 

Fortescue, Sir Nicholas, 405. 

Fort Henry, 224, 300. 

Fortress Monroe, 11 n. 

Fox, Thomas, 160. 

Francis, 169, 181. 

Fuller, Michael, adventure, 389-391. 

Galthorpe, Stephen, 21. 

Gany, William, adventure, 389-391. 

Garnett, Thomas, accusation against, 
268. 

Garret, WiUiam, 126. 

Gates, Sir Thomas, 401 ; political posi- 
tions, 191, 191 n.; arrival at James- 
town, 201, 296, 304; deputy-gov- 
ernor of Virginia, 207; censures the 
colonists, 208; meeting with Lord 
Delaware, 212; government of the 
colony, 220 n., 318 n.; is despatched 
to England for help, 202; returns 
to England, 300. 

George, ship, 330, 331, 337. 

Gibbes, Lieutenant, elected a burgess, 
250. 

Gipson, Thomas, 160, 162. 

Glass, 416; factory for making, 348 n. 

Gold, 152; craze for, among the set- 
tlers, 136, 138; Molina's report con- 
cerning, 219. 

Golding, George, 126. 

Gondomar, Count, intrigues of, 430; 
instructions, 454; accuses Argall 
of piracy, 455. 

Goodspeed, ship, 122 n. 

Goodj^son, Ramon, 140. 

Gookin, Daniel, 369; establishes a 
settlement at Nev/port News, 349. 

Gore, Thomas, 20 n., 21, 126. 

Gosnold, Anthony, 125, 126, 132, 134; 
death, 174. 



466 



INDEX 



Gosnold, Bartholomew, 125; voyage to 
New Englaud, 21 n.; contention of, 
over location of settlement, 33; 
arouses interest in the Virginia ex- 
pedition, 121-122; is chosen as 
councillor, 123; death, 21, 36, 71 n., 
128. 

Goston, Sir Francis, 405. 

Gourgaing, elected a burgess, 250. 

Gradon, Richard, 140. 

Graves, Thomas, 159, 256; elected 
a burgess, 250; rescue, 354. 

Griswold, ed., Delaware's Relation, 208. 

Gryvill, William, 140. 

Guadeloupe, hot bath at, 6-7, 122; 
Chester anchors at, 340. 

Gudderington, John, 159. 

Guercheville, Madame de, assists Biard, 
227. 

Guiacum, tree, 7. 

Gurganey, Edward, 140; contribution 
to the Generall Historie, 316-325. 

Hakluyt, Richard, 179, 179 n.; map 
of, 53 n. 

Hail, William, 209. 

Hamor, Ralph, 312 n., 316 n., 317, 
426; visit to Powhatan, 313-316; 
sails for Virginia, 330; Indian at- 
tack upon, 361, 361 n.; entertained 
by the king of the Potomacs, 377; 
voyage to Newfoundland, 384; opin- 
ion of the Indians, 386, 388; A True 
Discourse of the Present Estate of 
Virginia and the Successes of the 
Affaires there till the 18 of June, 1614, 
238, 302, 302 n., 309 n.; contribu- 
tion to the Generall Historie, 302- 
316. 

Hamor, Thomas, 361, 361 n. 

Hampton River, 11 n. 

Hancock, Nicholas, 160, 162. 

Hardwin, 160. 

Harford, John, 141. 

Harington, Edward, 21. 

Harper, John, 140. 

Harwood, member of the council, 345. 

Haryson, Harmon, 159. 

Hassinnunga Indians, 105. 

Hazard, Ebenezer, Historical Col- 
lections, 406 n. 

Hellyard, 160. 

Henrico, 424; early settlement at. 



224, 224 n.; delegates from, 249; 
described, 305; incorporated, 337; 
land grant at, for a university, 
337 n.; abandonment, 417; con- 
dition of, 418 n. 

Henry, son of James I., 81 n. 

Henry, Cape, 81; named, 11; Smith 
touches, 32. 

Herd, John, 126. 

Heriots, 89. 

Hill, Ehs, 372. 

Hill, George, 140. 

Hills, Edward, 381. 

Hog Island, 174, 297; blockhouse at, 
185. 

Holland. Gabriell, 426. 

Hope, Thomas, 119, 134, 140. 

Hothersall, Thomas, account of the 
sea-fight at Dominica, 340 n. 

Houlgrave, Nicholas, 126. 

Hoult, John, 159. 

Hunt, Robert, 125, 132, 135, 160; sick- 
ness, 122. 

Iguanas, found, 8, 122. 

Indians, dress, 6, 12, 13-14, 48, 88, 
99-100, 110; religion, 6, 20, 23, 51, 
108-113, 355, 3.55 n.; remedies, 108; 
treatment of prisoners, 115-116; 
treatment of their sick, 51; war- 
paint, 100; weapons, 6, 17, 102- 
103, 142; customs, 6, 56, 101, 114- 
115, 377; ceremonies, 12, 48, 51, 54, 
110-112, 153-154; werowances, 15 
n., 49 n., 84, 105, 112-113, 115; 
conversion, 345-346, 347, 347 n., 
348, 356, 362; occupations, 18, 101; 
manner of life, 101, 363; cabins, 
100-101, 114; canoes, 103; char- 
acter, 6, 63, 99, 386, 388; govern- 
ment, 52, 113-114, 115; agricultural 
methods, 95-97; methods of tat- 
tooing their bodies, 6, 19; dances, 
12; difference between the married 
and unmarried, 19; longevity, 19; 
oaths, 20; language, 89; hunting 
methods, 103-105; physical char- 
acteristics, 99; food, 102; methods 
of warfare, 105-107; music, 107; 
manner of trading, 108; mode of 
burial, 109; priests, 110; mar- 
riage, 355; refusal to trade with 
colonists, 157, 159, 160-161; learn 



INDEX 



46: 



the use of firearms, 346 ; attacks of, 
10, 32, 35, 43-44, 138; massacre 
of the colonists by, 357-373, 400, 
437, 444; peace with, 345, 358; 
laws concerning, 262, 264, 269- 
270, 273. 

Irrohatock Indians, 85. 

Isabella, of Spain, 77, 78. 

Isle of St. Michael, governor of, enter- 
tains Lord Delaware, 331. 

Itopatin, 355; succeeds Powhatan, 
334. 

Jackson, John, 250, 256. 

Jacob, Thomas, 21, 446. 

James City, see Jamestown. 

James I., king of Great Britain, 325 n. 

James River, 413 n.; explorations 
up, 17-18, 33-35, 123-124; de- 
scribed, 17-18, 34; Spanish ships in, 
217. 

Jamestown Peninsula, 185 n. 

Jamestown, settlement at, 15, 15 n., 
33, 123; described, 19, 306; burn- 
ing of the fort at, 52, 135, 397; 
country surrounding, 64 n.; loca- 
tion, 84, 412, 413; proceedings of 
the colony at, 119-204; arrival of 
the first supply at, 52, 132-137; the 
second supply reaches, 152; ar- 
rival of the first woman at, 155; 
life at, 156-158, 397; the third 
supply reaches, 191, 292; aid sent 
to, 203, 331-332; condition of 
affairs at, 21-22, 36-38, 41, 71, 127- 
128, 179-180, 184-187, 197-198, 
198 n., 200, 201, 208, 212-214, 220- 
221, 283-286, 285 n., 286 n., 292, 
294-296, 299-300, 301, 302 n., 326, 
330-331, 332, 334, 338, 347, 384, 
395, 400, 414, 422-425; houses, 415, 
424; government, 247, 296, 312, 
337, 338-339, 400-405; meeting of 
Virginia assembly at, 248, 249, 337; 
fortifications, 415, 416; dissentions 
at, 191-192, 196, 197; young 
women sold to the settlers at, 339; 
Indians attack, 35; delegates from, 
249; number of inhabitants in, 224; 
incorporated, 337, 337 n. 

Japazaws, betrays Pocahontas, 307; 
seeks trade with the colonists, 337. 

Jarnette, D. C. de, 248. 



Jefferson, 250, 256. 

John and Francis, vessel, 71 n. 

Johnson, Robert, 425, 432, 446, 447, 
448; effort's to dissolve the Virginia 
Company, 422, 422 n.; petition, 
451 ; accusations against, 457. 

Johnson, WilHam, 126, 140. 

Jones, Sir William, 405. 

Jordan, Samuel, 249, 256, 370. 

Keale, Richard, 141, 147. 
Kecoughtan, Indian village, 11, 37, 

377, 389, 424; described, 38; 

natives of, befriend colonists, 48; 

Smith reaches, 146, 163; see also 

Elizabeth Cit5^ 
Kecoughtan Indians, 13 n., 84. 
Keffer, Peter, 140. 
Kekataugh, 165; entertains Smith, 

46; trade with Smith, 60. 
Kendall, George, 125; conviction of, 

21; shot as a conspirator, 41, 71 n.; 

his chosen councillor, 123; deposed, 

36, 128; conspires against Smith, 

129. 
Kerby, Captain, traffics in slaves, 

282 n. 
Killingbeck, Richard, 140; death, 

333. 
Kingsbury, Susan M., Introduction to 

the Records of the Virginia Company, 

405 n. 
Kingston, Ellis, 22, 22 n. 
Kingswell, Richard, 426. 
Kiptopeke, conference with Por}'-, 

352; character, 354. 
Kiskiack or Chiskiack Indians, 50, 

85; religion, 51; Smith visits, 61; 

conspiracy of, 67-70. 
Kissanacomen, fight with Yeardley, 

323. 
Kitchin, plot, 303 n., 304; execution, 

304 n. 
Knollys, Sir Francis, 207. 
Kuscarawaoke Indians, 89. 
Kuskaranaocke River, 143. 

Lambert, Thomas, 162. 

Lane, Sir Ralph, 89, 143. 

Lanexa, 41, 387. 

Lapworth, Michael, murdered by th« 

Indians, 363 n. 
Lavander, Thomas, 160. 



468 



INDEX 



Lawne, Captain Christopher, 256, 336; 
elected a burgess, 250. 

Lawne' s Hundred, delegates from, 
250; law concerning, 266. 

Laws Divine, M or all and Martiall 
(London. 1612), 422 n. 

Laxon, William, 126, 185. 

Laydon, John, 126, 160. 

Leds, Timothy, 140. 

Lembri, Francisco, arrest as a spy, 
217; execution, 222 n.; experiences 
as a spy, 321. 

Lewes, John, 141. 

Ley, Henry, chief-justice, 159, 187; re- 
vokes the charter, 455 n. 

Limbo Isles, 143. 

London Company, see Virginia Com- 
pany. 

Lottery, determination of the council 
concerning, 317; reasons fur in- 
stituting, 318; rules, 319-320; re- 
ceipts from, 437. 

Love, William, 126, 162. 

Lowicke, Michaell, 160. 

Lucas, 342. 

Lynnliaven River, Percy enters, 10. 

Macanoe, confession of, 69. 
McDonald, Angus, 248. 
Machot, Indian village, 309. 
Macocke, Samuel, member of the 

council, 335; murdered by the 

Indians, 363 n. 
Madison, Isaac, 426; adventures of, 

378 ; attacks the Potomacs, 381-438. 
Maestro, Padre, accuses Argall of 

piracy, 455. 
Maine, expeditions to, 202, 203. 
Maize, 12. 
Mallard, Thomas, 160; makes known 

Volda's conspiracy, 189. 
Mamanahunt, Indian village, Smith 

arrives at, 40, 323. 
Manakin Indians, 34 n. 
Mandeville, Lord Viscount, 406. 
Mangoage Indians, search for Raleigh's 

colony among, 89, 188. 
Mannahock Indians, 47, 86, 89, 105. 
Manosquosick, Indian village, loca- 
tion, 40, 40 n. 
Mansa, Indian village. Smith at, 40. 
Mantivas, carries provisions to Smith, 

58-59. 



Marcum, Robert, Thomas Savage 
seeks, 353. 

Margaret and John, ship, 336, 338 n., 
340. 

Marlott, Thomas, 426. 

Marraughtacum, 47. 

Marriage, law concerning, 273. 

Marten, Nicholas, 426, 436 n. 

Martha's Vineyard, 227. 

Martin, George, 126. 

Martin, John, 125, 126, 128 ; death, 21 ; 
sickness, 36, 37; opposes sending 
a pinnace to England, 41; is elected 
councillor, 52, 123, 252; willingness 
of, to attempt expedition beyond 
the Falls, 65; quarrels with Smith, 
66 n.; returns to England, 71 n.; is 
appointed president, 192 ; resig- 
nation, 193 ; opposition to the 
government, 194; decisions con- 
cerning the patent of, 253-255, 260- 
262, 262 n. ; accusations against, 
269. \ 

Martinique, Percy at, 5 n. 

Martin's Hundred, 412; delegates 
from, 250; law concerning, 266. 

Mason, Dorothea, 237. 

Massachusetts Historical Society, Col- 
lections, 281. 

Massawomeke Indians, 88, 89, 105, 
106, 143, 144, 150. 

Mass4, Father Enemond, 228; settle- , 
ment of, 227; embarkation, 229. \ 

Massinnacack Indians, 105. 

Mathews, Samuel, 426. 

Mattalunt, Indian village, 41. 

Mattapony, Indian village, 387; 
Smith discovers, 41; Smith seeks 
corn in, 176. 

Mattapony Indians, 67-70, 85, 87, 
113. 

Mattapony River, 46, 85. 

Maxes, Thomas, 159. 

May, Cornehus, adventure, 389-391. 

May, William, 140. 

Menapacute or Menapacant, Indian 
village, Sinith is conducted to, 46; 
Newport sails for, 60. 

Mettahna, 340. 

Me^'is, see Nevis. 

Michael, 140. 

Middlesex, Eari of, 430, 432, 432 n., 
i36; efforts to secure the tobacco 



INDEX 



469 



contracts, 446-450; accuses Sandj's, 
449; efiforts to revoke the charter, 
452-454. 

Middleton, Captain, member of the 
council, 345. 

Midwinter, Francis, 126. 

Miler, Richard, 140. 

Milman, 160. 

Molina, Don Diego de, experiences 
in Virginia, 217, 222, 223; urges 
Spanish king to destroy the English 
colony, 218, 221; letter of, 218- 
224, 321 n.; arrest, 321. 

Molynex, Richard, 140. 

Momford, Thomas, 141, 147. 

Mona, Percy arrives at, 8. 

Monacan Indians, 83, 89, 105, 106. 

Monahassanuggs, 105. 

Mone, Captain, 194. 

Monhegan Island, Captain Ward visits, 
337, 337 n. 

Monica, 9, 9 n., 48; Newport sets 
out to discover, 155; Smith se- 
cures, 165. 

Monts, Sieur de, settlement of, 227. 

Mooney, James, The Powhatan Con- 
federacy, Past and Present, 113 n. 

Morattico, Lane discovers, 143. 

Moraughtacunds, 86. 

Moreno, Antonio, 220. 

Morgan, death, 357. 

Morinogh, Indian village, Smith enters, 
41. 

.Morish, Edward, 20, 20 n. 

Morrell, 160. 

Morton, Matthew, wounded by Ind- 
ians, 32. 

Morton, Ralph, 140, 141. 

Mouhemenchughes, 105. 

Mounslic, Thomas, 21. 

Mount Desert Island, destruction of 
the settlement at, 189 n., 227, 228- 
229. 

Mountains, of Virginia, 82. 

Mouton, Thomas, death, 22. 

Moyaon Indians, 41, 372, 381. 

Moyowances, 86. 

Moysenock, Indian village, Smith 
reaches, 41. 

Mulberry trees, 90, 391, 417; law as 
to planting, 264-265. 

Mussels, abundance of, 10, 34. 

Mutton, Richard, 126. 



Nacostans, 86, 372,382; attack upon, 
377. 

Namenacus, Pory visits, 352; Thomas 
Savage accuses, 353; treachery of, 
354. 

Namontack, aids Smith, 53, 56; is 
given to Newport, 134; is returned 
to Powhatan, 67, 154; death, 313 
n. 

Nansemond Indians, 84; refuse to 
trade with colonists, 160; Edward 
Waters captured by, 376-377; 
Yeardley attacks, 384-385. 

Nansemond River, 84; Smith dis- 
covers, 61; described, 62-63, 63 n.; 
explorations up, 303. 

Nantaquaus, friendship for Smith, 
53, 56, 326. 

Nause Indians, 143. 

Nautaquake, 143. 

Nautaughtacunds, 47, 86. 

Nazatica, 382. 

Nechanichock, Indian village, 41. 

Negroes, introduction into the colony, 
282 n., 337. 

Neill, Edward D., Virginia Company 
of London,297 n., 335 n.,405 n., 411, 
421. 

Nelson, Captain, reaches Virginia, 64, 
130, 137; refuses to go beyond the 
Falls, 65; sails for England, 71. 

Nelstrop, Rowland, 140. 

Nemattanow, 372; death, 357. 

Nevis, 7 n., 211, 340. 

New France, northern boundary of 
Virginia, 80; Jesuits in, 228. 

Newce, Captain Thomas, manager of 
the company's lands, 338 n.; mem- 
ber of the council, 345; industry 
of, 371, 371 n., 378; Croshaw asks 
aid of, 377; illness, 379; liberahty 
of, 380; character, 381. 

Newfoundland, Hamor sails for, 
384. 

Newport, Christopher, transports the 
colonists to Virginia, 122; explores 
James River, 33-34, 123-124; sails 
for England, 19, 35, 125, 125 n., 
137, 159; returns to Virginia, 52, 61, 
132; visits Powhatan, 53-60, 133- 
135; arranges for Powhatan's cor- 
onation, 152-155; voyage to Mon- 
acan, 155-156; promises to send 



470 



INDEX 



supplies, 20; rescues Smith, 28, 48; 
gives a boy to Powhatan, 56; is 
chosen councillor, 123; pnvate com- 
mission, 152; friendship for Pow- 
hatan, 167; sells swords to the 
Indians, 400; Relatyon, 4. 

Newport News, 412; settlement at, 
349; named; 349 n. 

Nickoles, John, 140. 

Nonsuch, fort, 195. 

Northampton County, 351 n. 

Norton, Thomas, 159; death, 371. 

Ocanahonan, inhabitants of, 45, 
46. 

Ocanindge, discourse concerning peace, 
183. 

Oconor, Dius, 160. 

Onancock, 352. 

Onawmanient, Indian village, 386. 

Onawmanient Indians, 86. 

Onianimo, purposes to kill Savage, 
354. 

Opechancanough, 115, 165, 378; sec- 
ond successor of Powhatan, 35 n.; 
holds Smith a prisoner, 44-48; to 
assist in the w^ar against the Mona- 
cums, 59; entertains Smith, 60; 
asks the release of his friends, 69; 
entertains Newport, 135; confer- 
ence with Smith, 170; Smith over- 
powers, 172-173; visit to Smith, 
175; Spelman gives information to, 
274-275; becomes the king of 
Ozinies, 324; promises to avenge 
the murder of certain colonists, 333; 
confirms the peace with the colo- 
nists, 334, 349; suspicions aroused 
by, 345; conspiracy against Savage, 
354; treachery, 357, 372, 376, 382; 
leads in the great massacre, 358; 
plot to overthrow, 384. 

Opitchapam, 115, 165, 376; trades 
with Smith, 60. 

Opussoquionuske, Queen, 34 n. 

Oraniocke, Indian village, Smith visits, 
40. 

Orapakes, Indian village, 85, 85 n., 
114. 

Outponcas, 105. 

Ovid, Sandys's, 348 n. 

Oysters, abundance of, 10. 

Ozinies. 89, 323, 324, 387. 



Paccamaganant, Pory at, 353. 

Pace, informs the governor of the 
Indian uprising, 363, 379 n. 

Paltsits, Victor H., 76 n. 

Pamacacack Indians, 86. 

Pamunkey River, 46, 46 n., 362, 370; 
described, 50, 85. 

Pamunkeys, 85, 113, 388; friendship 
of, for the colonists, 35-36 ; country 
of, 35 n. ; character, 63 ; conspiracy 
of, 67-70, 376; certain colonists 
imprisoned by, 378; Yeardley at- 
tacks, 385. 

Pananuaioc, 53 n. 

Panawicke, 53. 

Pansarowmana, is given to Newport, 
61. 

Parahunt, son of Powhatan, 33 n. 

Parker, Wilham, recovered, 315, 316. 

Part, John, 160. 

Partridge, 194. 

Paspaheghe Indians, 84; entertain 
Percy, 13; visit Percy, 15-16, 17; 
colonists trade with, 39; colonists 
befriended by, 48, 53; conspiracy 
of, 67-70; removal of, to Sandy 
Point, 275 n.; Percy'sattack upon, 
300. 

Paspihegh, Bay of, 39. 

Passe, Simon de, 237, 326. 

Patuxent Indians, 87; aid sought by, 
105-106; Pory visits, 352. 

Patuxent River, described, 87; Smith 
explores, 150. 

Pawlett, 256; elected a burgess, 250. 

Payankatank River, 48; Smith ex- 
plores, 150. 

Pazatican Indians, 372. 

Pearls, found, 10, 34. 

Pecock, Nathaniel, 126, 162. 

Peirce, Captain William, 140, 237, 426 

Peirce, Jane, 237. 

Pembroke, 232. 

Pennington, Robert, death, 21. 

Percy, George, 125; biographical 
sketch of, 3; sails from London, 
5; in the West Indies, 6-9; enters 
Chesapeake Bay, 9; explores the 
shores, 10-14; visits Indian chiefs, 
12-14; builds fortification, 15; 
explores the James River, 17; re- 
turns to settlement, 18; wretched 
condition of, 21-22; visits the 



INDEX 



471 



Chickahominies, 157; voyage in 
search of provisions, 161-173; ap- 
pointment as president, 196; dep- 
uty-governor of Virginia, 212; ill- 
ness, 200, 294; attacks the Pas- 
paheghs, 300; Observations, 3, 5-23. 

Perez, Marco Antonio, death, 222. 

Perkins, Francis, 140. 

Persey, Abraham, view concerning the 
tobacco law, 259, 260. 

Phelps, Thomas, 160. 

Phettiplace, Michael, 140, 162. 

Phettiplace, William, 76, 119, 121, 
134, 140, 162, 195 n.; voyage to 
the Pamunkey country, 170, 170 n.; 
contribution to the Proceedings of 
the English Colony, 151-200. 

Philpot, Henry, 159. 

Phitz-Jaraes, Captain, 194. 

Phoenix, vessel, 27, 64, 64 n., 71 n., 
137, 141. 

Piankatank River, 48 ; Smith explores, 
150. 

Pickhouse, Dru, 21, 125. 

Pierse, Thomas, sergeant of the gen- 
eral assembly, 251. 

Pinkerton, J., General Collection of 
Voyages, 291. 

Pising, Edward, 126, 147, 162, 163. 

Pit, Sir WilHam, 405. 

Pizarro, murder, 363. 

Plymouth, England, Dale reaches, 
321. 

Plymouth, Mass., Pory aids the colo- 
nists at, 281. 

Pocahontas, Smith rescued by, 28, 
326, 327; sent as a peacemaker 
to Jamestown, 69, 139; is returned 
to Powhatan, 70; friendship for 
Smith, 199; Spelman rescued b}'-, 
295; marriage, 237, 251, 310, 327; 
Rolfe's reasons for marrying, 239- 
244; capture, 307-308, 327; bap- 
tism, 316; visit to England, 321, 
325; education, 325; presentation 
at court, 329; death, 330. 

Pochins, son of Powhatan, 11 n. , 

Pocoughtronack, description of, 49. 

Point Comfort, fort at, 200, 200 n., 
212, 223; Spanish ships at, 217, 218, 
320. 

Polentine, John, elected a burgess, 249. 

Pollington, John, 426. 



Poole, Robert, 381; accusations of, 
against Spelman, 274-275; treach- 
ery of, 337; makes known the plot 
of the Indians, 382. 

Port Ro)^al, colony at, 227, 230; de- 
struction of the settlement at, 189, 
231, 313. 

Porto Rico, 8 n., 219, 219 n. 

Pory, John, 151, 162; speaker of the 
assembly, 248, 251, 255; biographi- 
cal sketch, 281; illness, 283; visits 
many Indian chiefs, 352-355; letter 
of, 282-287; observations of, 351- 
355; Proceedings of the Virginia 
Assembly, 245-278; translation of 
Leo Africanus, 281. 

Pory, Peter, 140. 

Potapacos, 86. 

Potomac Indians, wars of, 49 ; number 
of, 86; ask aid of Smith, 105-106; 
attack the Nacostans, 377; attempt 
to liberate Sarah Boys, 378; Madi- 
son attacks, 381-384. 

Potomac River, described, 86; source 
of, 105; Smith explores, 144-145; 
country surrounding, 213; trading 
expeditions to, 202, 300, 307, 372. 

Pott, John, 426 ; arrival at Jamestown, 
349; deputy-governor, 349 n. 

Pott or Pots, Richard, 76, 119, 121, 140, 
195 n.; compiles Smith' s manuscript, 
75; contribution to the Proceedings 
of the English Colony, 179-200. 

Pountas or Powntis, John, member of 
the council, 345, 426. 

Poutrincourt, Sieur de, reestablishes 
the colony at Port Royal, 227. 

Powell Brook, 360 n. 

Powell, Captain William, 160, 170, 
172, 173, 256, 389 ; elected a burgess, 
249; petition of, 268; political of- 
fices, 268 n. ; payment made to, 275- 
276; expedition against the savages, 
379; in command at Jamestown, 
379 n. 

Powell, Henry, 162. 

Powell, John, 140, 141. 

Powell, Nathaniel, 76, 119, 121, 126, 
134, 147, 162, 194; contribution to 
the Proceedings of the English 
Colony, 121-204; account of the 
explorations in Chesapeake Bay, 
151; search for Raleigh's lost 



472 



INDEX 



colony, 188; contribution to t)ie 
Generall Historic, 316-325; deputy- 
governor, 335, 360 n.; murdered 
by the Indians, 360, 363 n. 

Powhatan, Smith meets, 46; friend- 
ship of, for colonists, 52-53, 396; 
Smith entertained by, 54-60; Smith 
trades with, 57-58; war plans, 59; 
treachery of, 67-70, 168-170; sends 
Pocahontas to Smith, 69; territories 
of, 113; personal appearance, 114; 
character, 115-116; conquers the 
Payankatanks, 116; colonists aided 
by, 131; entertains Newport, 134- 
135; conspiracy of, 138-139; coro- 
nation, 152-155, 399; pohcy of, 
to starve the colonists, 157; 
Smith's determination to surprise, 
161; conference with Smith, 164- 
168; designs against Smith, 174, 
181,327, 327 n.; abandons Mero- 
comoco, 177; RatcKffe slain by, 
200 ; refusal to trade with colonists, 
295 ; attitude respecting the capture 
of Pocahontas, 308; concludes a 
peace with Dale, 309-310; captures 
Smith, 326; death, 334. 

Povvhatan, Indian town, 33, 34, 34 n., 
84, 85, 113; Smith attempts to 
buy, 193; colonists take possession 
of, 195. 

Powhatan Creek, location, 84. 

Powhatan Indians, 89, 105, 124; war 
methods of, 106-107. 

Powhatan River, 370; described, 
83-85. 

Prat, John, 162. 

Pretty, George, 140. 

Price, revolt of, 303. 

Proctor, Mistress, 370. 

Prodger, Richard, 140. 

Profit, Jonas, 126, 141, 147, 162. 

Prosperus, ship, 274. 

Purchas, Samuel, Pilgrimes, 3, 208; 
marginal note by, 5 n.; prints 
Percy's Observations, 3; an abridg- 
ment of Smith's Description of Vir- 
ginia, 75. 

Quentin, Father Jacques, 229; settle- 
ment of, 227. 
Quia Creek, 86 n. 
Quiyough, see Quia Creek. 



Quiyoughcohanock River, 83. 
Quiyoughcohanocks, 13 n.,84; Smith 
visits, 39; assist the colonists, 188. 
Quiyoughquosicke, Indian deity, 51. 

Raleigh, Sir Walter, 89; lost colony 

of, 152, 163, 188. 
Ramirez, Captain Diego, relation of, 

219. 
Ransacke, Abraham, 140. 
Rappahannock Indians, Percy en- 
tertained by, 13; friendship of, for 

the colonists, 20; Smith visits, 47; 

number of, 86. 
Rappahannock River, 89, 105, 387; 

discovery, 47; described, 86; Smith 

explores, 150. 
Rasawrack, Smith is taken a prisoner 

to, 44. 
Ratcliffe, John, 125; sickness, 36; 

president of the colony, 22, 37, 128; 

in authority at Jamestown, 71 n.; 

is chosen councillor, 123; attempted 

abandonment of the colony, 130; 

extravagance, 141; deposed, 147; 

imprisonment, 151; enmity toward 

Smith, 194, 196; fort built by, 200; 

is sent to Point Comfort, 294; death, 

37, 200, 295. 
Rawhunt, 69. 

Read, James, 126, 141, 162. 
Rice, John Holt, cd., Works of Captain 

John Smith, 291. 
Rich, Sir Nathaniel, opposition to the 

tobacco contract, 450; accusations 

against, 458. 
Rich, Sir Robert, see Warwick, Earl 

of. 
Richards Cliffs, 143. 
Rickahake, 355. 

Righkahauck, Indian village, 41. 
Roanoke, lost colony of, 17 n. 
Robinson, Conway, 248. 
Robinson, John, 126; with Smith on 

the Chickahominy, 43; death, 44. 
Robinson, Mary, donates a fund for a 

church, 339, 339 n. 
Rodes, Christopher, 140. 
Rodes, WllHam, 20 n., 21, 126. 
Roffingham, elected a burgess, 250. 
Rolfe, John, biographical sketch of, 

237; letter to Sir Thomas Dale, 239- 

244; reasons for marrying Poca* 



INDEX 



473 



hontas, 239-244; petition, 269; 
contribution to the GeneraU Historic, 
302-316, 328-339; marriage to Po- 
cahontas, 310, 327; educates Poca- 
hontas, 316; visit to England, 321. 

Rolfe, Thomas, 238, 330. 

Rolfe's Creek, 185 n. 

Rose, 160. 

Rosingham, Ensign, 256. 

Roy all James, ship, 350. 

Russawmeake, 105. 

Russell, John, 156, 159, 162, 163. 

Russell, Robert, 140. 

Russell, Walter, 76, 119, 121, 146, 170, 
175; contribution to the Proceed- 
ings of the English Colony, 141-147; 
discovers the designs of the savages, 
171. 

Russell, WilHam, 159. 

Russell's Isles, 142, 352. 

Rymer, Fcedera, 406. 

Sabbath, law concerning, 273. 

Sagadahock, see Maine. 

Saint Croix Island, French settlement 
at, 230; destruction of the settle- 
ment at, 227, 313. 

St. Michael, island, 331. 

St. Sauveur, 230 n. 

Salt-works, 352. 

Sambage, William, 159. 

Samuell, 170. 

Sands, Thomas, 126. 

Sandy Point, 13 n.; Paspahegh Indians 
remove to, 275 n. 

Sandys, Sir Edwin, 429 ; treasurer, 335; 
policy toward the colonists, 247; 
political leadership, 335 n.; efiforts 
to establish a university, 337 n.; 
government, 293, 421, 434, 446; 
accusations against, 447; efforts 
to retain the charter, 453 n. 

Sandys, George, treasurer, 348, 426; 
experiments, 348 n.; report con- 
cerning the Indians, 363. 

Santa Maria, see Chesapeake Bay. 

Santo Domingo, 219, 219 n. 

Sarah Constant, ship, 122 n. 

Sassafras, 434, 434 n. 

Savage, Richard, 140, 170. 

Savage, Thomas, interpreter, 140; 
is given to Powhatan bj' Newport, 
56, 134; is returned to Jamestown, 



68; accompanies Hamor to Pow- 
hatan, 313; Namenacus seeks, 352; 
first permanent settler on the 
Eastern Shore, 352 n.; quarrels 
with Indian chiefs, 353; conspiracy 
against, 354. 

School, free, subscription for, 350, 
350 n. 

Scot, Nicolas, 126, 160. 

Scrivener, Matthew, 140; becomes 
president of the colony, 37 n., 147; 
is elected councillor, 52; accom- 
panies Smith to Powhatan, 53; 
experiences in a bog, 58; traffics 
with Indian chief